Introduction:
Corruption is a topic of interest and concern in academic circles, in the media, among people of different professions, within the civil service, among members of parliament, politicians, government officials, members of the business and financial communities, students, foreign investors, aid agencies and non-governmental organizations. In other words, the term corruption is not new to Bangladesh.
Corruption is a universal phenomenon. It is not something new either. Corruption in one form or another existed since time immemorial. A review of penal codes utilized in various ancient civilizations clearly demonstrate that bribery was a serious problem among the Jews, the Chinese, the Japanese, the Greeks, the Romans as well as the Aztees of the New World (Thakur, 1979:7). In ancient Indro- Pakistan times large-scale corruption dominated public life (Thakur, 1979:12). As has been observed "corruption prevailed on a larger scale in Bangladesh during the ancient period and the ones that followed" (Padhay 1986:26). From this one can assume the nature and scale in the increase of corruption from medieval to the present time in Bangladesh. Corruption was evident during the British rule in India. There was almost regular and systematic corruption involving almost all officials at different levels in the political and administrative hierarchy. There was an underlying belief among officials of "making hay while the sun of British Raj shone" (Dwivedi and Bhargava, 1967:7).
A general impression conveyed by the media and by popular discourse is that among ordinary people in Bangladesh; corruption is viewed quite clearly as 'a way of life'. A recent survey carried out by the Bangladesh Unnayan Parishad reinforces that impression: the survey found, among other significant data, that 95 per cent of respondents believed that the police were the most corrupt department in the land, followed very closely by the customs, the department of excise and taxation, the bureaucracy, and the judiciary. A solid 62 per cent of respondents believed that the primary responsibility for corruption in Bangladesh lay in the hands of government officials. The extent to which corruption has become accepted as 'a way of life' in Bangladesh is challenging in its implications. A recently published feature on corruption in a leading weekend magazine, entitled, 'Corruption of Politics and Politics of Corruption' consisted of a virtual litany of dubious deals, underhand agreements and blatantly corrupt acts by political leaders and parties in Bangladesh, from the infamous regime of H.M Ershad, to the present leadership as well. But surprisingly, both the media report and the research conducted by the Bangladesh Unnayan Parishad, upon which it was partly based, appear to have generated little reaction. Certainly, there were no reports of a public outcry, not even a barrage of letters or telephone calls in response to these successive and extremely challenging expressions of public opinion and media analysis. Does this mean that the people of Bangladesh are unmoved by the all-pervasive level of corruption in their polity? Or have they become so immune to its horrors, so cynical about what they perceive to be the unhappy reality of their lives, that they have ceased to care? Whatever the reasons, people appear extremely reluctant to believe that anything can be done about corruption.
Perhaps this is one reason for a marked absence of objective, analytical literature on corruption as a social exchange or process. There are, of course, other reasons. But generally speaking, there is a tendency to focus on the enormity of the problem, on the normative aspects of corruption, on the (undoubtedly) negative impact of corruption and indeed, to perpetuate the notion that corruption is its own culprit. The media report mentioned above, for instance, states at the outset that 'Corruption, in our view, lies at the root of the overall degeneration of politics and of a section of our politicians that we see today.' Thus, corruption is seen both as the root and as the effect of a situation, with the result that its salient features are often masked and its behavioral patterns difficult to discern.
Indeed, as far as Bangladesh is concerned, little is known about the manner in which corruption occurs, the process by which, presumably, it grows and flourishes the conditions which are conducive to its existence and the structures which support its survival. Little is known about corruption as a process, as practice and as structural outcome. It can be said, therefore, that there is inconsequential independent appraisal of corruption as a social phenomenon in this country. Whatever independent or neutral discussion has been generated tends to focus mainly on the political or economic aspects of corruption. Certainly, very few academic works have been devoted towards obtaining empirically sound, theoretical analyses of the subject from a sociological perspective with special reference to Bangladesh.
Definition of corruption :
There is an old axiom often applied to those with political ambitions: Power corrupts; absolute power corrupts absolutely. In this case, the term corruption means the abuse of a public office for personal gain or other illegal or immoral benefit. Political corruption is a recognized criminal offense, along with bribery, extortion, and embezzlement – three illegal acts often associated with corruption in office. Some forms of corruption may escape legal notice, such as the hiring of relatives for key positions, but they may not escape the scrutiny of voters on Election Day.
In common usage the word corruption to mean different things in different contexts. Generally corruption means do something odd against the general rules and regulation by using his or her power. Such an example if a police officer use his power in his own welfare (directly or indirectly) we say it corruption. Corruption can be occur in any side as an example economical corruption, political corruption etc.
Definition of political corruption:
Whenever a person accepts a political appointment or wins election to an office, he or she must take an oath to uphold the public trust. While this may sound noble on paper, enforcement of this oath can prove problematic. Very few political candidates successfully reach office without making a few promises along the way. Many of these campaign promises are harmless, such as sponsoring a bill or lobbying for more funding for schools. Other promises, however, may come closer to crossing an ethical line, such as hiring relatives or awarding government contracts to influential contributors.
Political corruption has been a fact of life for thousands of years, beginning with the first attempts at a democratic form of government in ancient Greece and Rome. Almost all of these countries' political representatives were from the wealthier class, which inevitably led to a division between the influential haves and the virtually powerless have-nots. The seeds of political corruption were planted as soon as the senators and other political leaders realized that power and wealth could be equals. Political corruption often begins with favoritism towards those with wealth and influence.
In the modern sense of the term, political corruption is a cancer on the integrity of a governmental body. Very few public officials begin their careers with the intention of becoming corrupt, but some succumb to a sinister form of peer pressure over time. Being placed in a position of significant political power can be overwhelming, and the temptation to bend or break rules for a perceived 'greater good' is always present.
There are a few experienced politicians, however, for whom political corruption is a natural state of being. History is filled with examples of corrupt public officials, such as New York City's Boss Tweed and his political cronies at Tammany Hall during the late 19th century. Charges ranging from bribery and graft to nepotism, racketeering and fraud were all leveled at Tweed's administration, but it was Tweed's skills in political corruption that kept law enforcement at bay for years. A number of judges and law enforcement officers were already on Boss Tweed's secret payroll. Political corruption may always remain a concern for democratic governments, but there are a number of independent checks and balances that can root out corruption before it affects the integrity of the political body as a whole.
In a word, when a political leader uses his or her power to do something odd against the general rules and regulation then it is define as political corruption. As an example if a political leader tries to influence anybody to give any help to his or her relative or any other person for taking money it is called political corruption.
DEFINING CORRUPTION
Defining corruption is also important in the context of global efforts to reduce its influence in public life. But that is not an easy task. Corruption is a social, legal, economic and political concept enmeshed in ambiguity and consequently encouraging controversy. The ambiguity and controversy result from the fact that a number of competing approaches to understanding corruption is available. Naturally, definitions of corruption focus on one of several aspects of the phenomenon. Various approaches to corruption can be placed into five groups. These are public-interest-centered, market-centered, public-office-centered, public-opinion-centered and legalistic. Proponents of the public-interest-centered approach believe that corruption is in some way injurious to or destructive of public interest (Rogow and Laswell, 1970:54). Market-centered enthusiasts suggest that norms governing public office have shifted from a mandatory pricing model to a free-market model, thereby considerably changing the nature of corruption (Tilman, 1970:62-64). Public-office-centered protagonists stress the fact that misuse by incumbents of public office for private gain is corruption (Theobald, 1990:2). Those who believe in public-opinion-centered definitions of corruption emphasize the perspectives of public opinion about the conduct of politicians, government and probity of public servants (Leys, 1970:31-37). Others have suggested looking at corruption purely in terms of legal criteria in view of the problems inherent in determining rules and norms which govern public interest, behaviour and authority (Scott, 1972).
The five approaches, as discussed above, have concentrated on the nature of corruption. Though the approaches throw some light they do not clarify the meaning of corruption to any satisfaction. Now there are four divergent views on the definition of corruption. The definitions have come from moralists, functionalists, social censurists and social constructionist realists.
The moralists view "corruption as an immoral and unethical phenomenon that contains a set of moral aberrations from moral standards of society, causing loss of respect for and confidence in duly constituted authority" (Gould, 1991:468). One of the well-known proponents of this view, Nye, portrays corruption as "a behaviour that deviates from the formal duties of a public role (elective or appointive) because of private-regarding (personal, close family, private clique) wealth or status gains, or violates rules against the exercise of certain types of private-regarding influence" (Nye, 1997:417). But this way of defining corruption suffers from a number of limitations. It tends to individualize a societal phenomenon and attempts to dichotomize as to what is good and what is bad. In the process societal contexts are ignored and the gap between formal norms and the underlying practice-girded norms are not analysed (Caiden and Caiden, 1977).
The functionalists usually look at corruption in terms of the actual function that it plays in socio-economic development. Claims are made by functionalists that corruption flourishes as a substitute for the market system; offers an acceptable alternative to violence; increases public participation in public policy (Leff, 1979; Gould, 1980). Some functionalists believe that political and bureaucratic leaders may see a national interest in actively pursuing or tolerating a certain degree of administrative corruption (Klitgaard, 1988). The major criticisms against functionalists are that they ignore the political significance of deviance and lack any consideration of power, interest and social structure in their analyses and at the sametime the whole question of the origins of corruption is not considered (Lo, 1993:3).
The two comparatively recent perspectives, i.e., social censure and social construction reality, view corruption radically differently from the other two approaches, i.e. moralists and functionalists. Both the approaches tend to look at corruption from a broad societal perspective. The proponents of social censure believe that in understanding corruption one should take into consideration the capacity of the state to produce a particular form of social relations and shift the theoretical emphasis to the interplay of law, ideologies and political economy (Lo, 1993:5). On the other hand, social construction reality views corruption as problematic and the actors involved can be studied by relating them to contextual information on their social positions, interests and stakes in the system as well as on the political, economic and social conditions within which they function (Pavorala, 1996:25).
In view of the multitude of approaches and views on corruption it is not easy to agree on an unanimous definition of the term. Two definitions of corruption can prove handy. The shorter definition of corruption includes "abuse of authority, bribery, favouritism, extortion, fraud, patronage, theft, deceit, malfeasance and illegality" (Caiden, 1991a). The broader definition of corruption refers to "use of one?s official position for personal and group gain and that includes unethical actions like bribery, nepotism, patronage, conflict of interest, divided loyalty, influence-peddling, moonlighting, misuse or stealing of government property, selling of favours, receiving kickbacks, embezzlement, fraud, extortion, misappropriation, under- or over-invoicing, court tempering, phony travel and administrative documents and use of regulation as bureaucratic capital (AAPAM, 1991). In conformity with these two definitions of corruption the following definitions of political corruption and administrative corruption are adopted here. Political corruption is "the behaviour of (elected) public officials which diverges from the formal components - the duties and powers, rights and obligations - of a public role to seek private gain" (Kramer, 1997). Administrative corruption is defined as "the institutionalized personal abuse of public resources by civil servants" (Gould, 1991). In both cases public officials (elected and appointive) can convert public office into private gain in many ways.
LITERATURE SURVEY: This section contains a review of important facets of corruption from both conceptual and comparative perspective. The discussion has follows logically from what has been presented in the introductory section. Here the focus is on a number of important yet interrelated aspects of corruption. So, there remains a possibility of overlap in the discussions that follow in this section.
PRESENT CONCERN WITH CORRUPTION
"If corruption has been an age-old phenomenon, deep-rooted evil and an universal malady afflicting each and every society in one form or another at one time or another" (Padhay 1986:1), then why there is so much concern at the present time with corruption. The reasons are obvious. Pope of Transparency International provides the raison d'etre for this concern.
"Corruption at the highest levels distorts competition so denying the public access to the competitive marketplace. It induces wrong decisions resulting in: wrong projects, wrong prices, wrong contractors, substandard delivery to recoup overpricing, promotes corruption at lower levels and eroded public confidence in leaders. At lower levels, petty corruptions are damaging because they add to transaction costs, exclude those who cannot pay, foster contempt for public servants amongst public and erode capacity for revenue collection" (Pope, 1996:23).
There are still other reasons as to why now corruption is receiving serious attention. First, "there is a widespread perception that the level and pervasiveness of corruption is not only much greater but may well be increasing" (Harris-White, and White 1996:1). Harris-White and White state that both political and administrative corruption is doggedly entrenched in Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia and very much part of newly-industrialized countries (NICs) of South East Asia, has touched the very highest levels of political office in many Latin American countries and has quickly reached alarming proportions in the post-communist transitional countries including the former Soviet Union and China (1996:1). Second, developments in the 1980s and 1990s against the backdrop of increasing economic liberalization, third wave of democratization and floating of good governance agenda have heightened expectations that an effective and root-and-branch cure of corruption may be found (Harris-White and White, 1996:2). Third, the coming into prominence of such concepts as decentralization, accountability and transparency, human rights, rule of law and sustainable development have considerably influenced efforts to minimize political and administrative corruption in many countries.
CAUSES OF CORRUPTION
Corruption is a phenomenon that takes place due to the presence of a number of factors. An understanding of such factors requires, among other things, a kind of general framework for a clearer understanding of the causes of corruption, especially from a broader perspective.
Genesis of corruption can be explained by looking at three levels - international, national and individual institutional levels (Goudie and Strange, 1997). Competitiveness of international markets provides multinational companies of various sizes with an incentive to offer bribes to gain an advantage over competitors. At the national level basic development strategy of any government moulds opportunities and incentives for corruption. At the same level three relationships - between the government and the civil service, between the government and the judiciary and between the government and the civil society - also affect the nature and discussions of corruption. Three areas of government activity - customs administration, business regulation and management of foreign aid - act as sources of corruption at the level of individual institutions.
Corruption also results from the presence of a number of factors. These include: rapid economic and social change, strong kinship and ethnic ties, new institutions, overlapping and sometimes conflicting views about what is proper public behaviour, governmental monopoly over economic activities, political softness, widespread poverty and socio-economic inequalities, ignorance, lack of knowledge about individual entitlements, communal bonds, ambivalence towards legitimacy of governmental organizations, asymmetric relationship favouring those in control of state power, economic shortages in which public officials assume extraordinary control over scarce goods and services, greed, patronage and systematic maladministration (Gould and Amar-Reyes, 1985; United Nations, 1990). Most of the above-mentioned factors contributing to corruption can be categorized into "six-fold typology". This typology contains ideological, external, economic, political, socio-cultural and technological variables (Caiden, 1991a).
Some of the major reasons as to why people "collude in different ways, rationalise corrupt practices and tolerate corruption in a large scale" are because of the presence of number of factors. These are: governments act as monopolies in many respects, discretion that government and its monopolistic public agencies enjoy in their decision making and allocative roles, lack of effective accountability in government except in the nominal sense of presenting annual audited accounts and reports to parliament or answering questions in the parliament, citizens have limited information about the rules of the game and the standards of service they can expect from public agencies, and exposure of the average citizen to corruption in the public sector tends to be episodic (Paul, 1997a:1350-1351).
FORMS OF CORRUPTION
Corruption takes many forms. These forms are: acceptance of money and other rewards for awarding contracts, violation of procedures to advance personal interests, kickbacks from developmental program or multi-national corporations, pay-offs for legislative support, diversion of public resources for private use, overlooking illegal activities, intervening in the justice process, nepotism, common theft, overpricing, establishing non-existing projects and tax collection and tax assessment frauds (UN, 1990).
These many varieties of corruption can be categorized further in terms of their nature. Corruption can be foreign-sponsored, institutionalized, outcome of political scandal and administrative malfeasance (Caiden, 1988). In foreign-sponsored corruption the main actors are public officials, politicians, representatives of donor and recipient countries. Bureaucratic elites, politicians, businessmen and middlemen are responsible for political scandal. Corruption becomes institutionalized as a result of the support provided by bureaucratic elites, politicians, businessmen and white-collar workers. In administrative malfeasance petty officials and interested individuals play major role.
Corruption has been differentiated into three types - collusive, coercive and non-conjunctive (Arora, 1993). In collusive corruption the corruptees themselves are willing and active participants in the process and use of corruption as an instrument for inducing wrong action or inaction on the part of authorities, deriving benefit greater than the costs of corruption on their part. Corruption is forced upon the corruptee by those in the position of power and authority in coercive corruption. In non-conjunctive corruption benefits are obtained at someone else?s cost and victims are unaware of their victimization. Five major strategies - mystification, distancing, folklore, colonisation and pacification - have been used by the beneficiaries to protect, promote and sustain corruption in diverse contexts (Arora, 1993).
COSTS OF CORRUPTION
Corruption is not cost-neutral. There have been claims that not everything is bad about corruption. Its effects can be positive too. Corruption, among other things, assists in capital formation; fosters entrepreneurial abilities, allows business interest to penetrate bureaucracy and permits the logic of market to insinuate itself into transactions from which public controls exclude it (Theobald, 1990). But overwhelming evidence in recent decades suggests that the impact of corruption has been and continues to be negative on all fronts. Corruption has a negative, deleterious and devasting influence on investment and economic growth, administrative performance and efficiency and political development. Continuance of corruption in a country leads to economic malaise and squandering of public resources, lowers governmental performance, adversely affects general morale in the public service, jeopardizes administrative reform efforts and accountability measures, and perpectuates social and economic inequalities (UN, 1990). Corruption reinforces political instability and underdevelopment (Ouma, 1991). In short, corruption impedes economic growth, stifles entrepreneurialism, misuses scarce national resources, weakens administrative capacity, contributes to serious political decay and undermines stability, democracy and national integration (Theobald, 1990).
CHECKING CORRUPTION
Checking corruption is no easy task. Still no one denies the need to check corruption effectively. It may not be possible to eradicate corruption completely but then vigorous and determined actions will go a long way to minimize it. The measures suggested are too many and defy any easy characterization. To contain and minimize corruption a number of measures have been recommended. These include: driving out corruption by means of usually one-off purges or campaigns, setting up of anti-corruption boards, commissions and the like, campaign for moral regeneration or moral re-armament, strengthening of checks on abuse of power and the enhancement of accountability of the powerful as well as public officials, ensuring transparency and openness in governmental activities, develop positive social attitudes, enforcing a code of public ethics, supporting the role of media, improving educational procedures (Theobald, 1990; UN, 1990).
To reduce corruption drastically, a number of fundamental changes must be brought about. These include: reducing the opportunities for corrupt transactions by cutting back the state?s activities; emergence of new centres of power outside the bureaucracy; development of competitive party politics; ascendance of universalistic norms; effectuation of far-reaching administrative reform measures affecting policy, institutional and process levels; strengthening of preventive structures and tightening of prosecuting techniques (Theobald, 1990; UN, 1990).
What is important about checking corruption is that to be successful one must take into consideration both short-term and long-term views combating corruption.
COUNTRY EXPERIENCES
The experiences of a number of countries pertaining to corruption are reviewed in this sub-section. Cross-country survey covers nature, scope, type of corruption as well as the measures taken to curb corruption and outcome of such efforts. But it needs to be stated that not all aspects of corruption have been covered in the countries concerned due mostly to the non-availability of information.
In the Philippines the network of corruption in the public sector is rather extensive and covers petty fixers, workers at lower levels of the organizational hierarchy to mid-level officials taking undue advantage of their positions, and extending to the elite whose profit from corruption transactions with government runs into millions of pesos but whose powerful positions render them almost untouchable by the law enforcement agencies (Alfiler, 1979). Six types of corruption in the public sector of the Philippines have been identified (Carino and Guzman, 1979). These are: tong, lagay or arreglo, retainer, favor, individualized and systematic corruption. Anti-graft and investigatory agencies appointed by a number of Philipino Presidents failed to effectively check corruption due to organizational instability, frequent changes in leadership, political pressure in employee recruitment, public apathy and strained relations with other branches and agencies of the government (Alfiler, 1979).
In Uganda corruption is the outcome of self-aggrandizement, of unrealistically low remuneration for public servants and a closed political system (Ouma, 1991). Corruption has resulted in the loss of badly needed revenue and skilled manpower, distorted priorities of public policy and shifted scarce resources away from the public interest (Ouma, 1991). Naturally, distrust among different segment of the society has increased and despondency of the people-at-large has been excerbated.
In Ghana the way corruption has been institutionalized in the government is fascinating. In one ministry bribe money is divided in the following manner: 50% to the minister, 20% to the junior ministers, 10% to go-between, 10% to the secretary of the political party in power and the rest to an open cash fund kept by the minister for expenses like paying informers within the ministry, providing gifts to individual visitors and maintaining attractive women around the office (Vine, 1975). The causes for such widespread political corruption are: traditional contexts and effects of colonialism; the new men who inherited political leadership after independence; and bureaucratic transition from a colonial to an indigenous administrative system. Political corruption took its toll in the form of waste of resources, instability and reduction in the capacity of government (Vine, 1975).
It is now commonly agreed that corruption has vitiated India?s public life like a cancer spreading over a human body. All sectors, be they administrative or political or economic, have come under the ever-increasing onslaught of corruption. There are many reasons as to why this has happened. Political actors of all shades including ministers, legislators, office-bearers of political parties, and other political office-holders are involved in corruption (Padhay, 1986). Members of the public bureaucracy are no less corrupt. Measures taken to combat corruption like setting up of inquiry commissions have failed. These commissions' findings have not been taken seriously by successive governments and consequently their recommendations have gathered dust. At the same time, some of the commissions were created with a mala-fide and political intent. Corruption control is possible only with the adoption and implementation of four national agenda. They are: reforming the political process, restructuring and reorienting the government machinery, empowering the citizens and creating sustained public pressure for change (Guhan and Paul, 1997). Under each a number of appropriate and timely recommendations are made to cleanse the widespread corruption that exists in India at all levels touching almost each and every governmental institutions and their functionaries.
Singapore and Hong Kong are two countries whose success in effectively tackling corruption in the public service is well-known.
When the People's Action Party (PAP) came to power in June 1959 it found a colonial corrupt bureaucracy in place. The PAP, which is still in power, realized something had to be done to minimize corruption in the Singapore Civil Service (SCS). Over a period of time the PAP government introduced a number of measures to curb corruption.
The then existing Prevention of Corruption Ordinance was amended and replaced with the Prevention of Corruption Act (POCA) to curb opportunities for corruption and to increase the penalty for corrupt behaviour (Quah, 1995:148). At the same time additional powers were given to the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau by POCA. It is obvious that Singapore's anti-corruption strategy has been effective because it is designed to remove two major causes of corruption - the incentives and opportunities (Quah, 1989).
Corruption in Hong Kong public service had been well-entrenched. Public officials were known to make money utilizing their positions. But the situation changed drastically with the arrival of a new Governor, Sir Murray MacLehose, in 1973. He estabilished an Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC). The ICAC under the leadership of a distinguished former public official was given a wide array of powers. The ICAC had the power to arrest people on suspicion, search and seize without a warrant, require information, freeze assets and property and prevent people from leaving the colony (Caiden, 1991b:249). The Commission was assisted in its operations by five advisory committees on Corruption, Operations Review, Prevention, Community Relations and Complaints, drawn from cross-section of the population and reported directly to the Governor (Caiden, 1991b:249). The ICAC was organized into three areas: (a) an operations department to investigate, arrest and help prosecute suspects; (b) a corruption prevention department to restructure government organizations to reduce opportunities for corruption; and (c) a community relations department to change people?s attitudes toward corruption (Caiden, 1991b:249).
Types of Government in Bangladesh :
Type: Parliamentary democracy.
Independence: 1971 (from Pakistan).
Constitution: 1972; amended 1974, 1979, 1986, 1988, 1991, 1996, 2004.
Branches: Executive--president (chief of state), prime minister (head of government), cabinet. Legislative--unicameral Parliament (345 members). Judicial--civil court system based on British model.
Administrative subdivisions: Divisions, districts, subdistricts, unions, villages.
Political parties: 30-40 active political parties. Largest ones include Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), the Awami League (AL), the Jatiya Party, and the Jamaat-e-Islami Party. Suffrage:
Independence: 1971 (from Pakistan).
Constitution: 1972; amended 1974, 1979, 1986, 1988, 1991, 1996, 2004.
Branches: Executive--president (chief of state), prime minister (head of government), cabinet. Legislative--unicameral Parliament (345 members). Judicial--civil court system based on British model.
Administrative subdivisions: Divisions, districts, subdistricts, unions, villages.
Political parties: 30-40 active political parties. Largest ones include Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), the Awami League (AL), the Jatiya Party, and the Jamaat-e-Islami Party. Suffrage:
Universal at age 18.
Political history of Bangladesh :
Bengal was absorbed into the Mughul Empire in the 16th century, and Dhaka, the seat of a nawab (the representative of the emperor), gained some importance as a provincial center. But it remained remote and thus a difficult to govern region--especially the section east of the Brahmaputra River--outside the mainstream of Mughul politics. Portuguese traders and missionaries were the first Europeans to reach Bengal in the latter part of the 15th century. They were followed by representatives of the Dutch, French, and British East India Companies. By the end of the 17th century, the British presence on the Indian subcontinent was centered in Calcutta. During the 18th and 19th centuries, the British gradually extended their commercial contacts and administrative control beyond Calcutta to Bengal. In 1859, the British Crown replaced the East India Company, extending British dominion from Bengal, which became a region of India, in the east to the Indus River in the west.
The rise of nationalism throughout British-controlled India in the late 19th century resulted in mounting animosity between the Hindu and Muslim communities. In 1885, the All-India National Congress was founded with Indian and British membership. Muslims seeking an organization of their own founded the All-India Muslim League in 1906. Although both the League and the Congress supported the goal of Indian self-government within the British Empire, the two parties were unable to agree on a way to ensure the protection of Muslim political, social, and economic rights. The subsequent history of the nationalist movement was characterized by periods of Hindu-Muslim cooperation, as well as by communal antagonism. The idea of a separate Muslim state gained increasing popularity among Indian Muslims after 1936, when the Muslim League suffered a decisive defeat in the first elections under India's 1935 constitution. In 1940, the Muslim League called for an independent state in regions where Muslims were in the majority. Campaigning on that platform in provincial elections in 1946, the League won the majority of the Muslim seats contested in Bengal. Widespread communal violence followed, especially in Calcutta.
When British India was partitioned and the independent dominions of India and Pakistan were created in 1947, the region of Bengal was divided along religious lines. The predominantly Muslim eastern half was designated East Pakistan--and made part of the newly independent Pakistan--while the predominantly Hindu western part became the Indian state of West Bengal. Pakistan's history from 1947 to 1971 was marked by political instability and economic difficulties. Dominion status was rejected in 1956 in favor of an "Islamic republic within the Commonwealth." Attempts at civilian political rule failed, and the government imposed martial law between 1958 and 1962, and again between 1969 and 1971.
Almost from the advent of independent Pakistan in 1947, frictions developed between East and West Pakistan, which were separated by more than 1,000 miles of Indian territory. East Pakistanis felt exploited by the West Pakistan-dominated central government. Linguistic, cultural, and ethnic differences also contributed to the estrangement of East from West Pakistan. Bengalis strongly resisted attempts to impose Urdu as the sole official language of Pakistan. Responding to these grievances, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1948 formed a students' organization called the Chhatra League. In 1949, Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani and some other Bengali leaders formed the East Pakistan Awami Muslim League (AL), a party designed mainly to promote Bengali interests. This party dropped the word Muslim from its name in 1955 and came to be known as Awami League. Mujib became president of the Awami League in 1966 and emerged as leader of the Bengali autonomy movement. In 1966, he was arrested for his political activities.
After the Awami League won almost all the East Pakistan seats of the Pakistan national assembly in 1970-71 elections, West Pakistan opened talks with the East on constitutional questions about the division of power between the central government and the provinces, as well as the formation of a national government headed by the Awami League. The talks proved unsuccessful, however, and on March 1, 1971, Pakistani President Yahya Khan indefinitely postponed the pending national assembly session, precipitating massive civil disobedience in East Pakistan. Mujib was arrested again; his party was banned, and most of his aides fled to India and organized a provisional government. On March 26, 1971, following a bloody crackdown by the Pakistan Army, Bengali nationalists declared an independent People's Republic of Bangladesh. As fighting grew between the army and the Bengali mukti bahini ("freedom fighters"), an estimated 10 million Bengalis, mainly Hindus, sought refuge in the Indian states of Assam and West Bengal. On April 17, 1971, a provisional government was formed in Meherpur district in western Bangladesh bordering India with Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who was in prison in Pakistan, as President, Syed Nazrul Islam as Acting President, and Tajuddin Ahmed as Prime Minister.
The crisis in East Pakistan produced new strains in Pakistan's troubled relations with India. The two nations had fought a war in 1965, mainly in the west, but the refugee pressure in India in the fall of 1971 produced new tensions in the east. Indian sympathies lay with East Pakistan, and in November, India intervened on the side of the Bangladeshis. On December 16, 1971, Pakistani forces surrendered, and Bangladesh--meaning "Bengal country"--was born; the new country became a parliamentary democracy under a 1972 constitution.
The first government of the new nation of Bangladesh was formed in Dhaka with Justice Abu Sayeed Choudhury as President, and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman ("Mujib")--who was released from Pakistani prison in early 1972--as Prime Minister.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, 1972-75
Mujib came to office with immense personal popularity but had difficulty transforming this popular support into the political strength needed to function as head of government. The new constitution, which came into force in December 1972, created a strong executive prime minister, a largely ceremonial presidency, an independent judiciary, and a unicameral legislature on a modified Westminster model. The 1972 constitution adopted as state policy the Awami League's (AL) four basic principles of nationalism, secularism, socialism, and democracy.
The first parliamentary elections held under the 1972 constitution were in March 1973, with the Awami League winning a massive majority. No other political party in Bangladesh's early years was able to duplicate or challenge the League's broad-based appeal, membership, or organizational strength. Relying heavily on experienced civil servants and members of the Awami League, the new Bangladesh Government focused on relief, rehabilitation, and reconstruction of the economy and society. Economic conditions remained precarious, however. In December 1974, Mujib decided that continuing economic deterioration and mounting civil disorder required strong measures. After proclaiming a state of emergency, Mujib used his parliamentary majority to win a constitutional amendment limiting the powers of the legislative and judicial branches, establishing an executive presidency, and instituting a one-party system, the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BAKSAL), which all members of Parliament (and senior civil and military officials) were obliged to join.
Despite some improvement in the economic situation during the first half of 1975, implementation of promised political reforms was slow, and criticism of government policies became increasingly centered on Mujib. In August 1975, Mujib, and most of his family, were assassinated by mid-level army officers. His daughters, Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana, were out of the country. A new government, headed by former Mujib associate Khandakar Moshtaque, was formed.
Ziaur Rahman, 1975-81
Successive military coups resulted in the emergence of Army Chief of Staff Gen. Ziaur Rahman ("Zia") as strongman. He pledged the army's support to the civilian government headed by President Chief Justice Sayem. Acting at Zia's behest, Sayem dissolved Parliament, promising fresh elections in 1977, and instituted martial law.
Acting behind the scenes of the Martial Law Administration (MLA), Zia sought to invigorate government policy and administration. While continuing the ban on political parties, he sought to revitalize the demoralized bureaucracy, to begin new economic development programs, and to emphasize family planning. In November 1976, Zia became Chief Martial Law Administrator (CMLA) and assumed the presidency upon Sayem's retirement 5 months later, promising national elections in 1978.
As President, Zia announced a 19-point program of economic reform and began dismantling the MLA. Keeping his promise to hold elections, Zia won a 5-year term in June 1978 elections, with 76% of the vote. In November 1978, his government removed the remaining restrictions on political party activities in time for parliamentary elections in February 1979. These elections, which were contested by more than 30 parties, marked the culmination of Zia's transformation of Bangladesh's Government from the MLA to a democratically elected, constitutional one. The AL and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), founded by Zia, emerged as the two major parties.
In May 1981, Zia was assassinated in Chittagong by dissident elements of the military. The attempted coup never spread beyond that city, and the major conspirators were either taken into custody or killed. In accordance with the constitution, Vice President Justice Abdus Sattar was sworn in as acting president. He declared a new national emergency and called for election of a new president within 6 months--an election Sattar won as the BNP's candidate. President Sattar sought to follow the policies of his predecessor and retained essentially the same cabinet, but the army stepped in once again.
Hussain Mohammed Ershad, 1982-90
Army Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. H.M. Ershad assumed power in a bloodless coup in March 1982. Like his predecessors, Ershad suspended the constitution and--citing pervasive corruption, ineffectual government, and economic mismanagement--declared martial law. The following year, Ershad assumed the presidency, retaining his positions as army chief and CMLA. During most of 1984, Ershad sought the opposition parties' participation in local elections under martial law. The opposition's refusal to participate, however, forced Ershad to abandon these plans. Ershad sought public support for his regime in a national referendum on his leadership in March 1985. He won overwhelmingly, although turnout was small. Two months later, Ershad held elections for local council chairmen. Pro-government candidates won a majority of the posts, setting in motion the President's ambitious decentralization program. Political life was further liberalized in early 1986, and additional political rights, including the right to hold large public rallies, were restored. At the same time, the Jatiya (National) Party, designed as Ershad's political vehicle for the transition from martial law, was established.
Despite a boycott by the BNP, led by President Zia's widow, Begum Khaleda Zia, parliamentary elections were held on schedule in May 1986. The Jatiya Party won a modest majority of the 300 elected seats in the National Assembly. The participation of the Awami League--led by the late President Mujib's daughter, Sheikh Hasina Wajed--lent the elections some credibility, despite widespread charges of voting irregularities.
Ershad resigned as Army Chief of Staff and retired from military service in preparation for the presidential elections, scheduled for October. Protesting that martial law was still in effect, both the BNP and the AL refused to put up opposing candidates. Ershad easily outdistanced the remaining candidates, taking 84% of the vote. Although Ershad's government claimed a turnout of more than 50%, opposition leaders, and much of the foreign press, estimated a far lower percentage and alleged voting irregularities.
Ershad continued his stated commitment to lift martial law. In November 1986, his government mustered the necessary two-thirds majority in the National Assembly to amend the constitution and confirm the previous actions of the martial law regime. The President then lifted martial law, and the opposition parties took their elected seats in the National Assembly.
In July 1987, however, after the government hastily pushed through a controversial legislative bill to include military representation on local administrative councils, the opposition walked out of Parliament. Passage of the bill helped spark an opposition movement that quickly gathered momentum, uniting Bangladesh's opposition parties for the first time. The government began to arrest scores of opposition activists under the country's Special Powers Act of 1974. Despite these arrests, opposition parties continued to organize protest marches and nationwide strikes. After declaring a state of emergency, Ershad dissolved Parliament and scheduled fresh elections for March 1988.
All major opposition parties refused government overtures to participate in these polls, maintaining that the government was incapable of holding free and fair elections. Despite the opposition boycott, the government proceeded. The ruling Jatiya Party won 251 of the 300 seats. The Parliament, while still regarded by the opposition as an illegitimate body, held its sessions as scheduled, and passed a large number of bills, including, in June 1988, a controversial constitutional amendment making Islam Bangladesh's state religion and provision for setting up High Court benches in major cities outside of Dhaka. While Islam remains the state religion, the provision for decentralizing the High Court division has been struck down by the Supreme Court.
By 1989, the domestic political situation in the country seemed to have quieted. The local council elections were generally considered by international observers to have been less violent and more free and fair than previous elections. However, opposition to Ershad's rule began to regain momentum, escalating by the end of 1990 in frequent general strikes, increased campus protests, public rallies, and a general disintegration of law and order.
On December 6, 1990, Ershad offered his resignation. On February 27, 1991, after 2 months of widespread civil unrest, an interim government headed by Acting President Chief Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed oversaw what most observers believed to be the nation's most free and fair elections to that date.
Khaleda Zia, 1991-96
The center-right BNP won a plurality of seats and formed a government with support from the Islamic fundamentalist party Jamaat-I-Islami, with Khaleda Zia, widow of Ziaur Rahman, obtaining the post of prime minister. Only four parties had more than 10 members elected to the 1991 Parliament: The BNP, led by Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia; the AL, led by Sheikh Hasina; the Jamaat-I-Islami (JI), led by Ghulam Azam; and the Jatiya Party (JP), led by acting chairman Mizanur Rahman Choudhury while its founder, former President Ershad, served out a prison sentence on corruption charges. The electorate approved still more changes to the constitution, formally re-creating a parliamentary system and returning governing power to the office of the prime minister, as in Bangladesh's original 1972 constitution. In October 1991, members of Parliament elected a new head of state, President Abdur Rahman Biswas.
In March 1994, controversy over a parliamentary by-election, which the opposition claimed the government had rigged, led to an indefinite boycott of Parliament by the entire opposition. The opposition also began a program of repeated general strikes to press its demand that Khaleda Zia's government resign and a caretaker government supervise a general election. Efforts to mediate the dispute, under the auspices of the Commonwealth Secretariat, failed. After another attempt at a negotiated settlement failed narrowly in late December 1994, the opposition resigned en masse from Parliament. The opposition then continued a campaign of marches, demonstrations, and strikes in an effort to force the government to resign. The opposition, including the Awami League's Sheikh Hasina, pledged to boycott national elections scheduled for February 15, 1996.
In February, Khaleda Zia was re-elected by a landslide in voting boycotted and denounced as unfair by the three main opposition parties. In March 1996, following escalating political turmoil, the sitting Parliament enacted a constitutional amendment to allow a neutral caretaker government to assume power and conduct new parliamentary elections; former Chief Justice Mohammed Habibur Rahman was named Chief Adviser (a position equivalent to prime minister) in the interim government. New parliamentary elections were held in June 1996 and the Awami League won plurality and formed the government with support from the Jatiya Party led by deposed president Ershad; party leader Sheikh Hasina became Prime Minister.
Sheikh Hasina, 1996-2001
Sheikh Hasina formed what she called a "Government of National Consensus" in June 1996, which included one minister from the Jatiya Party and another from the Jatiyo Samajtantric Dal, a very small leftist party. The Jatiya Party never entered into a formal coalition arrangement, and party president H.M. Ershad withdrew his support from the government in September 1997. Only three parties had more than 10 members elected to the 1996 Parliament: The Awami League, BNP, and Jatiya Party. Jatiya Party president, Ershad, was released from prison on bail in January 1997.
International and domestic election observers found the June 1996 election free and fair, and ultimately, the BNP party decided to join the new Parliament. The BNP soon charged that police and Awami League activists were engaged in large-scale harassment and jailing of opposition activists. At the end of 1996, the BNP staged a parliamentary walkout over this and other grievances but returned in January 1997 under a four-point agreement with the ruling party. The BNP asserted that this agreement was never implemented and later staged another walkout in August 1997. The BNP returned to Parliament under another agreement in March 1998.
In June 1999, the BNP and other opposition parties again began to abstain from attending Parliament. Opposition parties staged an increasing number of nationwide general strikes, rising from 6 days of general strikes in 1997 to 27 days in 1999. A four-party opposition alliance formed at the beginning of 1999 announced that it would boycott parliamentary by-elections and local government elections unless the government took steps demanded by the opposition to ensure electoral fairness. The government did not take these steps, and the opposition subsequently boycotted all elections, including municipal council elections in February 1999, several parliamentary by-elections, and the Chittagong city corporation elections in January 2000.
In July 2001, the Awami League government stepped down to allow a caretaker government to preside over parliamentary elections. Political violence that had increased during the Awami League government's tenure continued to increase through the summer in the run up to the election. In August, Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina agreed during a visit of former President Jimmy Carter to respect the results of the election, join Parliament win or lose, foreswear the use of hartals (violently enforced strikes) as political tools, and if successful in forming a government allow for a more meaningful role for the opposition in Parliament. The caretaker government was successful in containing the violence, which allowed a parliamentary general election to be successfully held on October 1, 2001.
Khaleda Zia, 2001-2006
The four-party alliance led by the BNP won over a two-thirds majority in Parliament. Begum Khaleda Zia was sworn in on October 10, 2001, as Prime Minister for the third time (first in 1991, second after the February 15, 1996 elections).
Despite her August 2001 pledge and all election monitoring groups declaring the election free and fair, Sheikh Hasina condemned the election, rejected the results, and boycotted Parliament. In 2002, however, she led her party legislators back to Parliament, but the Awami League again walked out in June 2003 to protest derogatory remarks about Hasina by a State Minister and the allegedly partisan role of the Parliamentary Speaker. In June 2004, the AL returned to Parliament without having any of their demands met. They then attended Parliament irregularly before announcing a boycott of the entire June 2005 budget session.
On August 17, 2005, near-synchronized blasts of improvised explosive devices in 63 out of 64 administrative districts targeted mainly government buildings and killed two persons. An extremist Islamist group named Jama'atul Mujahideen, Bangladesh (JMB) claimed responsibility for the blasts, which aimed to press home JMB's demand for a replacement of the secular legal system with Islamic sharia courts. Subsequent attacks on the courts in several districts killed 28 people, including judges, lawyers, and police personnel guarding the courts. A government campaign against the Islamic extremists led to the arrest of hundreds of senior and mid-level JMB leaders. Six top JMB leaders were tried and sentenced to death for their role in the murder of two judges; another leader was tried and sentenced to death in absentia in the same case.
In February 2006, the AL returned to Parliament, demanded early elections, and requested significant changes in the electoral and caretaker government systems to stop alleged moves by the ruling coalition to rig the next election. The AL blamed the BNP for several high-profile attacks on opposition leaders and asserted the BNP was bent on eliminating Sheikh Hasina and the Awami League as a viable force. The BNP and its allies accused the AL of maligning Bangladesh at home and abroad out of jealousy over the government's performance on development and economic issues. Dialogue between the Secretaries General of the main ruling and opposition parties failed to sort out the electoral reform issues.
Caretaker Government, October 2006-January 2009
The 13th Amendment to the constitution required the president to offer the position of the Chief Adviser to the immediate past Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Justice K.M. Hasan, once the previous parliamentary session expired on October 28, 2006. The AL opposed Justice Hasan, alleging that he belonged to the ruling BNP in the past and that the BNP government in 2004 amended the constitution to extend the retirement age for the Supreme Court judges to ensure Justice Hasan became the Chief Adviser to help BNP win the elections. Justice Hasan declined the position, and after two days of violent protests, President Iajuddin Ahmed also assumed the role of Chief Adviser to the caretaker government.
On January 3, 2007, the Awami League announced it would boycott the January 22 parliamentary elections. The Awami League planned a series of country-wide general strikes and transportation blockades.
On January 11, 2007, President Iajuddin Ahmed declared a state of emergency, resigned as Chief Adviser, and indefinitely postponed parliamentary elections. On January 12, 2007, former Bangladesh Bank governor Fakhruddin Ahmed was sworn in as the new Chief Adviser, and ten new advisers (ministers) were appointed. Under emergency provisions, the government suspended certain fundamental rights guaranteed by the constitution and detained a large number of politicians and others on suspicion of involvement in corruption and other crimes. In January 2008, a reshuffle of the caretaker government took place, which included the appointment of special assistants to help oversee the functioning of the administration.
On July 16, 2007 the government arrested Awami League president and former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on charges of extortion during her tenure as Prime Minister. Hasina was released on parole in June 2008 and allowed to travel to the United States for medical treatment. The cases against her continue. On September 3, 2007, the government arrested BNP chairperson and former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia on charges of corruption. Sheikh Hasina returned from abroad and Khaleda Zia was released from prison to lead their respective parties in the parliamentary election campaign in the fall of 2008.
Municipal elections were held in 13 city corporations and municipalities on August 4, 2008. These elections were judged free and fair by international and domestic observers. The Election Commission registered over 80 million voters in preparation for parliamentary elections, which were held December 29, 2008. The Awami League swept to a landslide victory in what domestic and international observers declared a free, fair and credible election. The caretaker government ended on January 6, 2009 when Awami League President Sheikh Hasina became Prime Minister.
Sheikh Hasina, 2009-Present
Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina appointed a cabinet of relative newcomers upon taking office in January 2009. The BNP-led opposition attended the opening of the Parliament session, but has since mounted several boycotts in protest of perceived slights by the ruling party. Both sides struggle to break free from their shared history of confrontational politics, and key institutions necessary for strengthening democracy remain weak. As the new government was settling into office, it was rocked by a mutiny by border guards on February 25-26, 2009 in which more than 50 army officers were murdered.
Prime Minister Hasina has sought to increase Bangladesh’s presence on the world stage. As leader of one of the countries most vulnerable to climate change, Hasina has been a vocal advocate for mitigation and adaptation by both developed and developing countries, aligning with the Copenhagen Accord in January 2010. In a sharp change from previous administrations, her government has actively confronted violent extremist groups to deny space to terrorist networks and activities within its borders. The simultaneous elections of the Awami League and the Congress Party in India set the stage for renewed bilateral talks between the countries, an atmosphere which has been improved by counterterrorism cooperation. In January 2010, Hasina traveled to New Delhi to meet with Indian Prime Minister Singh, where they signed three agreements on mutual legal assistance in criminal matters, transfer of sentenced persons, and countering terrorism, organized crime, and illegal drug trafficking; and two memoranda of understanding on energy sharing and cultural exchange programs.
When British India was partitioned and the independent dominions of India and Pakistan were created in 1947, the region of Bengal was divided along religious lines. The predominantly Muslim eastern half was designated East Pakistan--and made part of the newly independent Pakistan--while the predominantly Hindu western part became the Indian state of West Bengal. Pakistan's history from 1947 to 1971 was marked by political instability and economic difficulties. Dominion status was rejected in 1956 in favor of an "Islamic republic within the Commonwealth." Attempts at civilian political rule failed, and the government imposed martial law between 1958 and 1962, and again between 1969 and 1971.
Almost from the advent of independent Pakistan in 1947, frictions developed between East and West Pakistan, which were separated by more than 1,000 miles of Indian territory. East Pakistanis felt exploited by the West Pakistan-dominated central government. Linguistic, cultural, and ethnic differences also contributed to the estrangement of East from West Pakistan. Bengalis strongly resisted attempts to impose Urdu as the sole official language of Pakistan. Responding to these grievances, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1948 formed a students' organization called the Chhatra League. In 1949, Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani and some other Bengali leaders formed the East Pakistan Awami Muslim League (AL), a party designed mainly to promote Bengali interests. This party dropped the word Muslim from its name in 1955 and came to be known as Awami League. Mujib became president of the Awami League in 1966 and emerged as leader of the Bengali autonomy movement. In 1966, he was arrested for his political activities.
After the Awami League won almost all the East Pakistan seats of the Pakistan national assembly in 1970-71 elections, West Pakistan opened talks with the East on constitutional questions about the division of power between the central government and the provinces, as well as the formation of a national government headed by the Awami League. The talks proved unsuccessful, however, and on March 1, 1971, Pakistani President Yahya Khan indefinitely postponed the pending national assembly session, precipitating massive civil disobedience in East Pakistan. Mujib was arrested again; his party was banned, and most of his aides fled to India and organized a provisional government. On March 26, 1971, following a bloody crackdown by the Pakistan Army, Bengali nationalists declared an independent People's Republic of Bangladesh. As fighting grew between the army and the Bengali mukti bahini ("freedom fighters"), an estimated 10 million Bengalis, mainly Hindus, sought refuge in the Indian states of Assam and West Bengal. On April 17, 1971, a provisional government was formed in Meherpur district in western Bangladesh bordering India with Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who was in prison in Pakistan, as President, Syed Nazrul Islam as Acting President, and Tajuddin Ahmed as Prime Minister.
The crisis in East Pakistan produced new strains in Pakistan's troubled relations with India. The two nations had fought a war in 1965, mainly in the west, but the refugee pressure in India in the fall of 1971 produced new tensions in the east. Indian sympathies lay with East Pakistan, and in November, India intervened on the side of the Bangladeshis. On December 16, 1971, Pakistani forces surrendered, and Bangladesh--meaning "Bengal country"--was born; the new country became a parliamentary democracy under a 1972 constitution.
The first government of the new nation of Bangladesh was formed in Dhaka with Justice Abu Sayeed Choudhury as President, and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman ("Mujib")--who was released from Pakistani prison in early 1972--as Prime Minister.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, 1972-75
Mujib came to office with immense personal popularity but had difficulty transforming this popular support into the political strength needed to function as head of government. The new constitution, which came into force in December 1972, created a strong executive prime minister, a largely ceremonial presidency, an independent judiciary, and a unicameral legislature on a modified Westminster model. The 1972 constitution adopted as state policy the Awami League's (AL) four basic principles of nationalism, secularism, socialism, and democracy.
The first parliamentary elections held under the 1972 constitution were in March 1973, with the Awami League winning a massive majority. No other political party in Bangladesh's early years was able to duplicate or challenge the League's broad-based appeal, membership, or organizational strength. Relying heavily on experienced civil servants and members of the Awami League, the new Bangladesh Government focused on relief, rehabilitation, and reconstruction of the economy and society. Economic conditions remained precarious, however. In December 1974, Mujib decided that continuing economic deterioration and mounting civil disorder required strong measures. After proclaiming a state of emergency, Mujib used his parliamentary majority to win a constitutional amendment limiting the powers of the legislative and judicial branches, establishing an executive presidency, and instituting a one-party system, the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BAKSAL), which all members of Parliament (and senior civil and military officials) were obliged to join.
Despite some improvement in the economic situation during the first half of 1975, implementation of promised political reforms was slow, and criticism of government policies became increasingly centered on Mujib. In August 1975, Mujib, and most of his family, were assassinated by mid-level army officers. His daughters, Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana, were out of the country. A new government, headed by former Mujib associate Khandakar Moshtaque, was formed.
Ziaur Rahman, 1975-81
Successive military coups resulted in the emergence of Army Chief of Staff Gen. Ziaur Rahman ("Zia") as strongman. He pledged the army's support to the civilian government headed by President Chief Justice Sayem. Acting at Zia's behest, Sayem dissolved Parliament, promising fresh elections in 1977, and instituted martial law.
Acting behind the scenes of the Martial Law Administration (MLA), Zia sought to invigorate government policy and administration. While continuing the ban on political parties, he sought to revitalize the demoralized bureaucracy, to begin new economic development programs, and to emphasize family planning. In November 1976, Zia became Chief Martial Law Administrator (CMLA) and assumed the presidency upon Sayem's retirement 5 months later, promising national elections in 1978.
As President, Zia announced a 19-point program of economic reform and began dismantling the MLA. Keeping his promise to hold elections, Zia won a 5-year term in June 1978 elections, with 76% of the vote. In November 1978, his government removed the remaining restrictions on political party activities in time for parliamentary elections in February 1979. These elections, which were contested by more than 30 parties, marked the culmination of Zia's transformation of Bangladesh's Government from the MLA to a democratically elected, constitutional one. The AL and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), founded by Zia, emerged as the two major parties.
In May 1981, Zia was assassinated in Chittagong by dissident elements of the military. The attempted coup never spread beyond that city, and the major conspirators were either taken into custody or killed. In accordance with the constitution, Vice President Justice Abdus Sattar was sworn in as acting president. He declared a new national emergency and called for election of a new president within 6 months--an election Sattar won as the BNP's candidate. President Sattar sought to follow the policies of his predecessor and retained essentially the same cabinet, but the army stepped in once again.
Hussain Mohammed Ershad, 1982-90
Army Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. H.M. Ershad assumed power in a bloodless coup in March 1982. Like his predecessors, Ershad suspended the constitution and--citing pervasive corruption, ineffectual government, and economic mismanagement--declared martial law. The following year, Ershad assumed the presidency, retaining his positions as army chief and CMLA. During most of 1984, Ershad sought the opposition parties' participation in local elections under martial law. The opposition's refusal to participate, however, forced Ershad to abandon these plans. Ershad sought public support for his regime in a national referendum on his leadership in March 1985. He won overwhelmingly, although turnout was small. Two months later, Ershad held elections for local council chairmen. Pro-government candidates won a majority of the posts, setting in motion the President's ambitious decentralization program. Political life was further liberalized in early 1986, and additional political rights, including the right to hold large public rallies, were restored. At the same time, the Jatiya (National) Party, designed as Ershad's political vehicle for the transition from martial law, was established.
Despite a boycott by the BNP, led by President Zia's widow, Begum Khaleda Zia, parliamentary elections were held on schedule in May 1986. The Jatiya Party won a modest majority of the 300 elected seats in the National Assembly. The participation of the Awami League--led by the late President Mujib's daughter, Sheikh Hasina Wajed--lent the elections some credibility, despite widespread charges of voting irregularities.
Ershad resigned as Army Chief of Staff and retired from military service in preparation for the presidential elections, scheduled for October. Protesting that martial law was still in effect, both the BNP and the AL refused to put up opposing candidates. Ershad easily outdistanced the remaining candidates, taking 84% of the vote. Although Ershad's government claimed a turnout of more than 50%, opposition leaders, and much of the foreign press, estimated a far lower percentage and alleged voting irregularities.
Ershad continued his stated commitment to lift martial law. In November 1986, his government mustered the necessary two-thirds majority in the National Assembly to amend the constitution and confirm the previous actions of the martial law regime. The President then lifted martial law, and the opposition parties took their elected seats in the National Assembly.
In July 1987, however, after the government hastily pushed through a controversial legislative bill to include military representation on local administrative councils, the opposition walked out of Parliament. Passage of the bill helped spark an opposition movement that quickly gathered momentum, uniting Bangladesh's opposition parties for the first time. The government began to arrest scores of opposition activists under the country's Special Powers Act of 1974. Despite these arrests, opposition parties continued to organize protest marches and nationwide strikes. After declaring a state of emergency, Ershad dissolved Parliament and scheduled fresh elections for March 1988.
All major opposition parties refused government overtures to participate in these polls, maintaining that the government was incapable of holding free and fair elections. Despite the opposition boycott, the government proceeded. The ruling Jatiya Party won 251 of the 300 seats. The Parliament, while still regarded by the opposition as an illegitimate body, held its sessions as scheduled, and passed a large number of bills, including, in June 1988, a controversial constitutional amendment making Islam Bangladesh's state religion and provision for setting up High Court benches in major cities outside of Dhaka. While Islam remains the state religion, the provision for decentralizing the High Court division has been struck down by the Supreme Court.
By 1989, the domestic political situation in the country seemed to have quieted. The local council elections were generally considered by international observers to have been less violent and more free and fair than previous elections. However, opposition to Ershad's rule began to regain momentum, escalating by the end of 1990 in frequent general strikes, increased campus protests, public rallies, and a general disintegration of law and order.
On December 6, 1990, Ershad offered his resignation. On February 27, 1991, after 2 months of widespread civil unrest, an interim government headed by Acting President Chief Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed oversaw what most observers believed to be the nation's most free and fair elections to that date.
Khaleda Zia, 1991-96
The center-right BNP won a plurality of seats and formed a government with support from the Islamic fundamentalist party Jamaat-I-Islami, with Khaleda Zia, widow of Ziaur Rahman, obtaining the post of prime minister. Only four parties had more than 10 members elected to the 1991 Parliament: The BNP, led by Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia; the AL, led by Sheikh Hasina; the Jamaat-I-Islami (JI), led by Ghulam Azam; and the Jatiya Party (JP), led by acting chairman Mizanur Rahman Choudhury while its founder, former President Ershad, served out a prison sentence on corruption charges. The electorate approved still more changes to the constitution, formally re-creating a parliamentary system and returning governing power to the office of the prime minister, as in Bangladesh's original 1972 constitution. In October 1991, members of Parliament elected a new head of state, President Abdur Rahman Biswas.
In March 1994, controversy over a parliamentary by-election, which the opposition claimed the government had rigged, led to an indefinite boycott of Parliament by the entire opposition. The opposition also began a program of repeated general strikes to press its demand that Khaleda Zia's government resign and a caretaker government supervise a general election. Efforts to mediate the dispute, under the auspices of the Commonwealth Secretariat, failed. After another attempt at a negotiated settlement failed narrowly in late December 1994, the opposition resigned en masse from Parliament. The opposition then continued a campaign of marches, demonstrations, and strikes in an effort to force the government to resign. The opposition, including the Awami League's Sheikh Hasina, pledged to boycott national elections scheduled for February 15, 1996.
In February, Khaleda Zia was re-elected by a landslide in voting boycotted and denounced as unfair by the three main opposition parties. In March 1996, following escalating political turmoil, the sitting Parliament enacted a constitutional amendment to allow a neutral caretaker government to assume power and conduct new parliamentary elections; former Chief Justice Mohammed Habibur Rahman was named Chief Adviser (a position equivalent to prime minister) in the interim government. New parliamentary elections were held in June 1996 and the Awami League won plurality and formed the government with support from the Jatiya Party led by deposed president Ershad; party leader Sheikh Hasina became Prime Minister.
Sheikh Hasina, 1996-2001
Sheikh Hasina formed what she called a "Government of National Consensus" in June 1996, which included one minister from the Jatiya Party and another from the Jatiyo Samajtantric Dal, a very small leftist party. The Jatiya Party never entered into a formal coalition arrangement, and party president H.M. Ershad withdrew his support from the government in September 1997. Only three parties had more than 10 members elected to the 1996 Parliament: The Awami League, BNP, and Jatiya Party. Jatiya Party president, Ershad, was released from prison on bail in January 1997.
International and domestic election observers found the June 1996 election free and fair, and ultimately, the BNP party decided to join the new Parliament. The BNP soon charged that police and Awami League activists were engaged in large-scale harassment and jailing of opposition activists. At the end of 1996, the BNP staged a parliamentary walkout over this and other grievances but returned in January 1997 under a four-point agreement with the ruling party. The BNP asserted that this agreement was never implemented and later staged another walkout in August 1997. The BNP returned to Parliament under another agreement in March 1998.
In June 1999, the BNP and other opposition parties again began to abstain from attending Parliament. Opposition parties staged an increasing number of nationwide general strikes, rising from 6 days of general strikes in 1997 to 27 days in 1999. A four-party opposition alliance formed at the beginning of 1999 announced that it would boycott parliamentary by-elections and local government elections unless the government took steps demanded by the opposition to ensure electoral fairness. The government did not take these steps, and the opposition subsequently boycotted all elections, including municipal council elections in February 1999, several parliamentary by-elections, and the Chittagong city corporation elections in January 2000.
In July 2001, the Awami League government stepped down to allow a caretaker government to preside over parliamentary elections. Political violence that had increased during the Awami League government's tenure continued to increase through the summer in the run up to the election. In August, Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina agreed during a visit of former President Jimmy Carter to respect the results of the election, join Parliament win or lose, foreswear the use of hartals (violently enforced strikes) as political tools, and if successful in forming a government allow for a more meaningful role for the opposition in Parliament. The caretaker government was successful in containing the violence, which allowed a parliamentary general election to be successfully held on October 1, 2001.
Khaleda Zia, 2001-2006
The four-party alliance led by the BNP won over a two-thirds majority in Parliament. Begum Khaleda Zia was sworn in on October 10, 2001, as Prime Minister for the third time (first in 1991, second after the February 15, 1996 elections).
Despite her August 2001 pledge and all election monitoring groups declaring the election free and fair, Sheikh Hasina condemned the election, rejected the results, and boycotted Parliament. In 2002, however, she led her party legislators back to Parliament, but the Awami League again walked out in June 2003 to protest derogatory remarks about Hasina by a State Minister and the allegedly partisan role of the Parliamentary Speaker. In June 2004, the AL returned to Parliament without having any of their demands met. They then attended Parliament irregularly before announcing a boycott of the entire June 2005 budget session.
On August 17, 2005, near-synchronized blasts of improvised explosive devices in 63 out of 64 administrative districts targeted mainly government buildings and killed two persons. An extremist Islamist group named Jama'atul Mujahideen, Bangladesh (JMB) claimed responsibility for the blasts, which aimed to press home JMB's demand for a replacement of the secular legal system with Islamic sharia courts. Subsequent attacks on the courts in several districts killed 28 people, including judges, lawyers, and police personnel guarding the courts. A government campaign against the Islamic extremists led to the arrest of hundreds of senior and mid-level JMB leaders. Six top JMB leaders were tried and sentenced to death for their role in the murder of two judges; another leader was tried and sentenced to death in absentia in the same case.
In February 2006, the AL returned to Parliament, demanded early elections, and requested significant changes in the electoral and caretaker government systems to stop alleged moves by the ruling coalition to rig the next election. The AL blamed the BNP for several high-profile attacks on opposition leaders and asserted the BNP was bent on eliminating Sheikh Hasina and the Awami League as a viable force. The BNP and its allies accused the AL of maligning Bangladesh at home and abroad out of jealousy over the government's performance on development and economic issues. Dialogue between the Secretaries General of the main ruling and opposition parties failed to sort out the electoral reform issues.
Caretaker Government, October 2006-January 2009
The 13th Amendment to the constitution required the president to offer the position of the Chief Adviser to the immediate past Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Justice K.M. Hasan, once the previous parliamentary session expired on October 28, 2006. The AL opposed Justice Hasan, alleging that he belonged to the ruling BNP in the past and that the BNP government in 2004 amended the constitution to extend the retirement age for the Supreme Court judges to ensure Justice Hasan became the Chief Adviser to help BNP win the elections. Justice Hasan declined the position, and after two days of violent protests, President Iajuddin Ahmed also assumed the role of Chief Adviser to the caretaker government.
On January 3, 2007, the Awami League announced it would boycott the January 22 parliamentary elections. The Awami League planned a series of country-wide general strikes and transportation blockades.
On January 11, 2007, President Iajuddin Ahmed declared a state of emergency, resigned as Chief Adviser, and indefinitely postponed parliamentary elections. On January 12, 2007, former Bangladesh Bank governor Fakhruddin Ahmed was sworn in as the new Chief Adviser, and ten new advisers (ministers) were appointed. Under emergency provisions, the government suspended certain fundamental rights guaranteed by the constitution and detained a large number of politicians and others on suspicion of involvement in corruption and other crimes. In January 2008, a reshuffle of the caretaker government took place, which included the appointment of special assistants to help oversee the functioning of the administration.
On July 16, 2007 the government arrested Awami League president and former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on charges of extortion during her tenure as Prime Minister. Hasina was released on parole in June 2008 and allowed to travel to the United States for medical treatment. The cases against her continue. On September 3, 2007, the government arrested BNP chairperson and former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia on charges of corruption. Sheikh Hasina returned from abroad and Khaleda Zia was released from prison to lead their respective parties in the parliamentary election campaign in the fall of 2008.
Municipal elections were held in 13 city corporations and municipalities on August 4, 2008. These elections were judged free and fair by international and domestic observers. The Election Commission registered over 80 million voters in preparation for parliamentary elections, which were held December 29, 2008. The Awami League swept to a landslide victory in what domestic and international observers declared a free, fair and credible election. The caretaker government ended on January 6, 2009 when Awami League President Sheikh Hasina became Prime Minister.
Sheikh Hasina, 2009-Present
Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina appointed a cabinet of relative newcomers upon taking office in January 2009. The BNP-led opposition attended the opening of the Parliament session, but has since mounted several boycotts in protest of perceived slights by the ruling party. Both sides struggle to break free from their shared history of confrontational politics, and key institutions necessary for strengthening democracy remain weak. As the new government was settling into office, it was rocked by a mutiny by border guards on February 25-26, 2009 in which more than 50 army officers were murdered.
Prime Minister Hasina has sought to increase Bangladesh’s presence on the world stage. As leader of one of the countries most vulnerable to climate change, Hasina has been a vocal advocate for mitigation and adaptation by both developed and developing countries, aligning with the Copenhagen Accord in January 2010. In a sharp change from previous administrations, her government has actively confronted violent extremist groups to deny space to terrorist networks and activities within its borders. The simultaneous elections of the Awami League and the Congress Party in India set the stage for renewed bilateral talks between the countries, an atmosphere which has been improved by counterterrorism cooperation. In January 2010, Hasina traveled to New Delhi to meet with Indian Prime Minister Singh, where they signed three agreements on mutual legal assistance in criminal matters, transfer of sentenced persons, and countering terrorism, organized crime, and illegal drug trafficking; and two memoranda of understanding on energy sharing and cultural exchange programs.
POLITICAL CORRUPTION FROM 1972-2010:
Using position while in power to grant undue favour and benefit to one?s relatives, friends and key supporters is a hall-mark of politics in Bangladesh. All the effective rulers have been accused of either direct or indirect involvement in large-scale corruption. During the rule of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (Mujib) that lasted little over three-and-a-half years (1972-1975) corruption became a major issue in public discussion. Mujib?s tendency to grant political and financial benefit to his close relatives and associates is well-known. Awami League (AL) activists received jobs in nationalized industries, grew rich as smugglers, appropriated Pakistani houses and sold off government permits and licenses to the highest bidders (Kochanek, 1993). Sheikh Abu Naser, Mujib?s only brother, and four sisters were believed to have benefited excessively from their ties of kinship with Mujib (Franda, 1982). Some of the nouveaux-riches created through the distribution of patronage by the Mujib government were ring leaders of smuggling operations (Maniruzzaman, 1982). Election-related corruption was prominent during Mujib’s rule.
Though General Ziaur Rahman (Zia) was not personally involved in corruption, he is credited with institutionalizing corrupt activities (Franda, 1982). It must be said that he instituted legal actions or sacked some ministers on corruption charges, but these people were calling for decentralization in the internal working of his party, i.e. Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). Local units of BNP became pockets of corruption. Zia?s failed initiative of Sawnirvar Gram Sarker as the model of "grassroots democracy" was built on loyalty to his party and patronage distribution. During his time corruption and misuse of power resulted in the wastage of almost 40% of the total resources earmarked for development (Kochanek, 1993). Under Zia presidential, parliamentary and local level elections were to some extent manipulated in favour of his party (Khan and Zafrullah, 1979; Khan 1989a).
General Hossain Mohammad Ershad?s (Ershad) government established record levels of venality (Blair, et al., 1992). Ershad?s government was primarily based on calculated and selective patronage distribution to a favoured few. In fact, under Ershad corruption prevailed in each and every sector of national life and the forms of corruption included petty corruption, project corruption and programmatic corruption (Kochanek, 1993). Ershad holds the record of totally distroying the credibility of the electoral system of the country. Like Mujib and Zia before him he considered the Election Commission as a normal administrative unit to be used and misused to serve his personal, coterie and party interests. The control of the Election Commission was ensured through the appointment of weak and pliable persons as Chief Election Commissioner and Election Commissioners. Introduction of the upazila system in 1982 not only legitimized and strengthened his rule but at the same time contributed immensely to the spread of corruption to the grassroots and in the process vitiated local development and adversely affected local participation. Politics of patronage and corruption became the order of the day in the delivery of local services. An overwhelming majority (93%) of the respondents in a survey conducted in 1991 and 1992 in two upzilas in the districts of Kurigram and Mymensingh held the view that corruption had increased significantly since the introduction of the upazila system (Siddiquee, 1997). Most respondents in the same survey felt that the upazila council was the nerve centre of corruption, nepotism and patronage networks (Siddiquee, 1997). The study based on survey indicated how upazila councils in study areas extended their patronage networks by: distributing various construction tenders and work orders to their relatives, friends and political allies; leasing out hats, bazars and jalmahals to their chosen parties; issuing these same people with licenses and permits and selecting the members of their own lobby for various project committees (Siddiquee 1997). During Ershad?s time the politics-business nexus in the arena of corruption became rather prominent. He is known to have received a fixed percentage on any deal involving any amount of money. This contributed to the emergence of a class of fabulously rich people without much effort on their part and who had little understanding of business ethics or norms and adversely affected those who wanted to pursue business in the traditional manner. These new rich people also became prominent in politics as members of parliament and cabinet and eventually some of them became leader of different chambers and other bodies, thereby cementing a close link between politics and business premised on corruption and patronage. One of the outcomes of such a development has been increasing criminalization of politics. Individuals with proven tract records as criminals became an indispensable party in this unholy alliance between Ershad and his promotees in business. It needs to be added that both Mujib and Zia is were instrumental in making individuals with obscure background millionaires. But the difference between Ershad and Mujib and Zia is that the former transgressed all norms, bent rules and broken regulations in order to excessively profit from all state business transactions while the latter
POLITICAL CONDITIONS OF BANGLADESH:
Despite serious problems related to a dysfunctional political system, weak governance, and pervasive corruption, Bangladesh remains one of the few democracies in the Muslim world. Bangladeshis regard democracy as an important legacy of their bloody war for independence, and they vote in large numbers. However, democratic institutions and practices remain weak.
Bangladesh is generally a force for moderation in international forums, and it is also a long-time leader in international peacekeeping operations. It is the second-largest contributor to UN peacekeeping operations, with 10,481 troops and police active in November 2009. Its activities in international organizations, with other governments, and with its regional partners to promote human rights, democracy, and free markets are coordinated and high-profile. Bangladesh became a member of the United Nations Human Rights Council in May 2006, and began a second term in 2009. However, an explicit goal of its foreign policy has been to strengthen relations with Islamic states, leading to actions such as voting against a December 2009 UN resolution to improve human rights conditions in Iran.
Bangladesh lies at the strategic crossroads of South and Southeast Asia. Potential terrorist movements and activities in or through Bangladesh pose a potentially serious threat to India, Nepal, Bhutan, and Burma, as well as Bangladesh itself. Consequentially, the Bangladesh Government has banned a number of Islamic extremist groups in recent years. In February 2002, the government banned Shahdat al Hiqma, in February 2005 it banned Jagrata Muslim Janata, Bangladesh (JMJB) and Jama'atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB), and in October 2005 it banned Harkatul Jehad Al Islami (HUJI). Following the August 17, 2005 serial bombings in the country, the government launched a crackdown on extremists. In 2006, seven senior JMB leaders were sentenced to death for their role in the 2005 murder of two judges. Six of the seven were executed in March 2007; another leader was tried and sentenced to death in absentia in the same case. In March 2008, the U.S. Government listed Harkatul Jihadi Islami (HUJI)-Bangladesh as a foreign terrorist organization. In October 2009, The Government of Bangladesh added Hizb-ut-Tahrir to the list of banned terrorist organizations. Given its size and location, a major crisis in Bangladesh could have important consequences for regional stability, particularly if significant refugee movements ensue.
Despite serious problems related to a dysfunctional political system, weak governance, and pervasive corruption, Bangladesh remains one of the few democracies in the Muslim world. Bangladeshis regard democracy as an important legacy of their bloody war for independence, and they vote in large numbers. However, democratic institutions and practices remain weak.
Bangladesh is generally a force for moderation in international forums, and it is also a long-time leader in international peacekeeping operations. It is the second-largest contributor to UN peacekeeping operations, with 10,481 troops and police active in November 2009. Its activities in international organizations, with other governments, and with its regional partners to promote human rights, democracy, and free markets are coordinated and high-profile. Bangladesh became a member of the United Nations Human Rights Council in May 2006, and began a second term in 2009. However, an explicit goal of its foreign policy has been to strengthen relations with Islamic states, leading to actions such as voting against a December 2009 UN resolution to improve human rights conditions in Iran.
Bangladesh lies at the strategic crossroads of South and Southeast Asia. Potential terrorist movements and activities in or through Bangladesh pose a potentially serious threat to India, Nepal, Bhutan, and Burma, as well as Bangladesh itself. Consequentially, the Bangladesh Government has banned a number of Islamic extremist groups in recent years. In February 2002, the government banned Shahdat al Hiqma, in February 2005 it banned Jagrata Muslim Janata, Bangladesh (JMJB) and Jama'atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB), and in October 2005 it banned Harkatul Jehad Al Islami (HUJI). Following the August 17, 2005 serial bombings in the country, the government launched a crackdown on extremists. In 2006, seven senior JMB leaders were sentenced to death for their role in the 2005 murder of two judges. Six of the seven were executed in March 2007; another leader was tried and sentenced to death in absentia in the same case. In March 2008, the U.S. Government listed Harkatul Jihadi Islami (HUJI)-Bangladesh as a foreign terrorist organization. In October 2009, The Government of Bangladesh added Hizb-ut-Tahrir to the list of banned terrorist organizations. Given its size and location, a major crisis in Bangladesh could have important consequences for regional stability, particularly if significant refugee movements ensue.
POLITICAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE CORRUPTION IN BANGLADESH
Corruption has a deep root in the society in this part of the world. A chapter in Kautilya?s Arthasastra titled "Detection of what is embezzled by government servants out of state revenue" is so vivid and detail that it resembles largely any meticulously prepared official report of today on modes of corruption and how to control such corruption. Kautilya writing many centuries ago identified forty types of embezzlement comitted by public servants (Padhay, 1986). In ancient India corruption was prevalent in administration, judiciary and trade. As indicated earlierm corruption in one form or another became an integral part of politico-administrative systems during the Khilji and Tuglaq dynasties. The situation did not change during the rule of Mughals and the British. Many politicians were charged with corruption and debarred from politics after the promulgation of the first martial law in Pakistan in 1958. Many civil servants, some belonging to the elite Civil Service of Pakistan (CSP), were dismissed from their services on corruption changes.
It has been argued by some that Bangladesh society is a highly complex network involving reciprocal favours and obligations, and that as a result payoff is the lifeblood of the country (Maloney, 1986:173). Payoff benefits include money, jobs, luxury gifts, building supplies, overseas travel and the payment of foreign tuition bills, foreign medical bills, overseas hotel and restaurant bills and personal liabilities (Kochanek, 1993:258). The symptoms of patron-client relationship are further reflected by the practice of some businessmen to maintain rest houses and high-class exclusive hostesses to entertain important foreign guests and big bosses (Siddiqui, et al. 1990). Many of these big bosses are no doubt top-ranking politicians and senior civil servants. Operated within limits of civility.
ADMINISTRATIVE CORRUPTION: Corruption has been and continues to be an integral part of culture. The level of corruption varies depending on how influential a position the particular civil servant holds (Khan, 1997). The civil servants have by and large become accustomed to live a life style far beyond their legal income (Zafarullah, 1987). The citizens have accepted the stark reality that nothing moves without adequately satisfying the concerned civil servant (Khan, 1997).
An opinion survey conducted in 1992 of household heads in Dhaka City found that 68.25% of respondents paid bribes to concerned officials to get services (Aminuzzaman, 1996). The findings of the survey indicated that members of law enforcing agencies, customs and income tax departments were involved in administrative corruption (Aminuzzaman, 1996). Another finding of the survey reaffirmed the commonly held belief that the higher the level of bureaucracy the lower the frequency but higher the amount of bribe; and the lower the level of bureaucracy the higher the frequency but less the amount of bribe (Aminuzzaman, 1996).
The Bangladesh Unnayan Parishad (BUP) only recently conducted an opinion survey of 2197 individuals selected randomly from sixty districts. This survey indicated that 95% of respondents felt that the police department was most corrupt while 82% opined that the secretariat (where most ministries/divisions are located) and the judicial system were most corrupt. In the corruption indicator the customs department came second with 91% of respondents considering its officials extremely corrupt. The officials of the Taxation Department were placed in third position as 90% of the respondents felt they were extremely corrupt (BUP, 1997).
Both the surveys reaffirm the ever-widening horizon of administrative corruption. Another survey of people?s opinions at two upazilas in Northern Bangladesh indicated that the then upazila structure was not only controlled by centrally-debuted civil servants posted there but they were involved in misappropriating public funds for their own use (Rahman, 1994). Villagers had to bribe civil servants on a routine basis either to bypass certain access encounters or to speed up the process of service delivery (Rahman, 1994). The surveys as part of three case studies indicated that civil servants' control over massive financial resources without proper accountability and the self-seeking nature of civil servants were major contributing factors to the growth and sustenance of administrative corruption at the local level (Rahman, 1994).
Now one may ask the question as to why such large-scale administrative corruption exists. The reasons for such corruption can be summed up (Khan, 1997). First, civil servants involved in corrupt practices in most cases do not lose their jobs. Very rarely they are dismissed from service on charges pertaining to corruption. Still more rarely they are sent to prison for misusing public funds. They have never been compelled to return to the state their ill-gotten wealth. Second, people have a tendency not only to tolerate corruption but to show admiration to those civil servants who make a fortune through dubious means. The underlying assumption is that it does not matter how one has acquired wealth as long as he has done so. Third, it is easier for a citizen to get quick service because he has already paid the civil servant rather than wait for his turn. Fourth, there is now social acceptance of corruption by public officials. Fifth, barring occasional public procurements, the representatives of the people, i.e. politicians in power, are unwilling to take effective measures to curb corrupt practices in public dealings.
NATURE, FORMS AND CONSEQUENCES OF CORRUPTION
Corruption is all-pervasive in Bangladesh. Though corruption has been a part of our politico-administrative heritage, there is little denying the fact that after independence the tentacles of corruption have engulfed the entire society. So strong and sustained is the influence of corruption that most people have come to accept it as a fait accompli. Not only do citizens have accepted it as a part of their daily life experience but more frighteningly they feel themselves powerless to address the phenomenon at any level (Lewis, 1996). The reason for such helplessness is to the presence of corruption in almost all levels of government (World Bank, 1996). The changeover from an authoritarian to a democratic system of government in the 1990s has not had any effect on the nature and dimnensions of corruption. Information obtained from the Finance Division of the Ministry of Finance show that over a period of twenty-two years, i.e. between 1971 and 1993, taka 18,000 crore were lost in the public sector due to misappropriation of public funds and theft (Alam, 1996). But this huge amount of money, which is substantial for a resource-poor and aid-dependent country, is only the tip of the iceberg if one takes into consideration all cases of corruption that have been reported by the Bureau of Anti-Corruption over the same period (Khan, 1997).
A government Task Force Report identified a few years back a number of areas where corruption was likely to manifest itself. These areas include: procurement of goods and services including award of contracts by the government; administration of taxes and prevention of smuggling, disposal, sale and allotment of government property including disinvestment of industries and other commercial units; administration of loans by public financial institutions, outright embezzlement of government fund and all kinds of shop-floor malpractices (Ahmed, 1992).
It is usually known that almost all kinds of corruption perpetuate in politics and administration in Bangladesh. The most common form of corruption is pecuniary bribes (Taslim, 1994). Other forms of corruption are: abuse of authority, nepotism, favoritism, fraud, patronage, theft and deceit. In many cases forms of corruptions are intertwined with their consequences.
As one scholar noted:
"Petty corruption takes many forms. Payments are required simply to obtain an application form or a signature, to secure a copy of an approved sanction, to ensure proper services and billing from telephone, natural gas, electric power and water employees.
Project corruption permeates both public and private sector contracting. A substantial commission must be paid to secure large public sector contracts in Bangladesh.
Programmatic corruption involves Food For Work and relief programmes" (Kochanek, 1993:259,263).
The consequences of these three forms of corruption included among others: high losses suffered by public-sector utilities; forcing donor countries and agencies to hire lobbyists to clear their projects by bribing officials at different levels and failure of Food For Work and relief programmes to reach their targets due to massive theft and huge misuse of resources (Kochanek, 1993).
Other baneful consequences of corruption on the economy include: siphoning away a large chunk of public resources which could have been productively employed somewhere in the economy; undermining of productivity, efficiency and effectiveness of the government; diminishes efficient mobilization of resources and management of development activities; gains through corruption used either in conspicuous consumption or transferred to foreign bank accounts; generates allocative inefficiency by permitting the least efficient contractor or most costly supplier with the highest ability to bribe; bribes and payoffs instead of expediting decisions and facilitating movement of files encourages civil servants to hold back all papers until some payment is made to them; money gained from bribes becomes a part of the expected income; and over-invoicing and under-invoicing of imports and exports and smuggling increases lead to distortion in investment decisions and to capital flight (Ahmed, 1992). Some other equally damaging consequences of corruption are: undermines public confidence in government; engenders wrong economic choices and constrains government?s ability to implement policies; makes the poor pay the price; and threatens government?s strategy of private-sector-oriented growth (World Bank 1996a: 66).
A recent report of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) titled "Corruption and Good Governance" found that bureaucratic corruption and inefficiency are taking a heavy toll on the Bangladesh economy, causing hundreds of millions of dollars' worth of loss in terms of unrealised investment and income (Mustafa, 1997). The report pointed out: "If Bangladesh were to improve the integrity and efficiency of its bureaucracy, its investment would rise by more than five percentage points and its yearly GDP rate would rise by over half a percentage point" (Mustafa, 1997).
RECENT POLITICAL CORRAPTION IN BANGLADESH:
This past year Bangladesh overcame a near failing of their government, as a number of political issues threatened to tear the seams of an already stretched nation. In addition to governmental short comings, other political issue runs rampant in Bangladesh. Looking towards the future Bangladesh officials will need to offer an olive branch to opposition leaders to unify the nation and take on core political issues.
Bangladesh instituted a system that eased the transfer of governmental power to avoid inherent political issues that stem from bitterness and animosity between the two primary political parties. The idea became a constitution mandate and pacified some of the political issues that faced Bangladesh. In January of 2007, certain political issues and realities came to a head, highlighting the need for the appointment of an intermediary government to root out corruption and violence from all levels of the Bangladesh government. The almost two year transfer period witnessed large numbers of corruption related arrests, displaying the full-extent of the political issues facing Bangladesh. The temporary government held open elections in December of 2008 hoping for a future where Bangladesh leader can work together to tackle political issues.
The election results marked an enormous win for the Bangladesh Awami league and Sheikh Hasina began her second non-consecutive term as Prime Minister. The recent electoral success reinstated the Bangladesh parliamentary democracy and equipped the nation with more civil ways to address political issues. The Bangladesh Awami league received a strong mandate by securing a landslide victory and quickly taking to the political issues of the day. The opposition party, the Bangladesh Nationalist Movement, pushed for a more Islamic conscious social life and many scholars view this loss as a knock against fundamental regimes.
In addition to the Bangladesh structural problems, the nation faces more pressing political issues like education and poverty. Children are only required to attend school until fifth grade and even with the loose educational mandate, many schools in poverty-stricken areas have abominable teacher to student rations and lack many necessary resources. Ending the cycle of poverty requires a national focus on education. In order to combat the numerous political issues that stem from poverty, Bangladesh needs to channel large resources into their education system.
In addition to the Bangladesh structural problems, the nation faces more pressing political issues like education and poverty. Children are only required to attend school until fifth grade and even with the loose educational mandate, many schools in poverty-stricken areas have abominable teacher to student rations and lack many necessary resources. Ending the cycle of poverty requires a national focus on education. In order to combat the numerous political issues that stem from poverty, Bangladesh needs to channel large resources into their education system.
Bangladesh also suffers from extreme over-population, causing numerous political issues. Although Bangladesh experienced a level of success lowering the poverty rate during the 1990s, overcrowding in metropolitan areas and a lack of resources in rural Bangladesh pose serious health risks.
Bangladesh is poised as a nation to enter the world scene in a big way. Their natural geographic benefits and recent restructuring of government suggest an upward trend for both economic and social well-being. Although the nation still faces serious political issues, the future remains promising for Bangladesh.
Present political in Bangladesh problems by which corruption is created: For better understanding of our democracy we should know the present situation of our country. Among various features the most noticeable and important conditions may be identified as under:
i) Absence of democratic political culture: Bangladesh is lacking a democratic
Political culture. Democratic orientations and practices are not seen in our polity and society. People’s competence to cope with the democratic norms and values is not adequate. Even opportunities for democratic learning are not available in our educational as well as political institutions. Thus, democratic norms and values could not strike root in our society and polity.
ii) Absence the rule of law: In our country, rule of law became merely a frace instead of making up the sun that shines on democracy. Today it has become the part of our political culture that police took action against oppositions and turned a blind eye to the real perpetrators. In case of bails to the political activists, the judge simply to the wishes of political masters.
iii) Lack of political morality: Our politicians lack political morality which is
marked by special provision for caretaker government instead of political
government to arrange national election. It is a sign of popular distrust on our politicians. However, the provision for caretaker government is positive for
democracy enough to each our politicians about the lack of their political morality and trust on themselves.
iv) Absence of strong civil society: Bangladesh has failed to establish a strong civil society, which could ground the liberalism and put flesh on the skeleton of
democracy. Even we are lacking a civil culture which structure the social space of civil society in public regarding ways, anchoring individual identify and conscience in shared norms of solidarity trust and reciprocity. Our intellectuals are merely the prop of ruling classes.
v) Absence of strong political leadership: Bangladesh is lacking of strong
patriotic political leadership essential for leading the nation toward progress and
stability. Our leaders do not hold image to unite the nation in a platform.
Because they consider themselves as leader of their party not the nation as a
whole.
vi) Confrontational politics: Politics in our country is confrontational in nature
where there is no cooperation, trust and solidarity among political parties and
groups. There is no census among political parties on issues of national interest.
They oppose each other only for the sake of opposition.
vii) Ineffective political institutions: Our political institutions are not strong and
developed enough to render required services on way of democratization and
political development. Our parliament does not work effectively due to continuous boycott by opposition and its role as a ground for deliberation proved to be ineffective. Our political parties are safe shelter of vested interests. Thus their role to institutionalize democracy is not only inadequate but also unacceptable.
viii) Corruption and terrorism: Corruption and terrorism are two terrible barriers to democratic development in our country. Al though the then govt. refused the claim, Transparency International has ranked 4th times Bangladesh as most corrupt nation of the world. Terrorism is not unconcerned to none of our citizens. thus, greatest challenge. Before the nation is to uproot corruption and terrorism from our society. democratic development as it discourages to accept others. Everything is just if
it favors one’s own interest, otherwise it is wrong. A election is fair if the result
is favorable otherwise it is unfair. Such kind of attitude forces our politicians to
stereotyped enmity and distrust.
x) Lack of tolerance and reciprocity: There is a lack of tolerance, mutual respect,
trust and reciprocity among our politicians and political parties. Compromise
and consensus is absent from our polity, which inflames enmity among
politician and endangers the growth of democracy in the country.
Other Major Problems & Impediments of politics
Beside the above trends and impediments of parliamentary democracy in
Bangladesh there are some other institutions of democracy, which are beset with hazardous problems hampering the development of democracy in Bangladesh.
Parliamentary Committee System:
It is through the functioning of the committee system that bureaucracy comes under the direct scrutiny of the parliament since the committee concerning a particular ministry along with its associated bodies can send for any official or bureaucrat to appear before it to justify his action or send for any paper or document. The rules of Procedure of Parliament of Bangladesh were adopted in 1974 and it provided for almost 25 committees in parliament of these 11 are departmental standing committees. But though in thinking and insecting provisions for committees Bangladesh was well ahead of all other parliamentary system in the commonwealth, the effective working of the committee system has not yet been developed. The cruse of the problem lies with the provision in Rules 247 of the procedure which provided that Minister of State in charge of a subject relating to particular committee shall e ex-office provided for almost 25 committees in parliament Chairman of every such standing committees. These undemocratic provisions were made by the same government, which piloted the constitution making. Of course, recently a change has been made to the provision providing that a minister shall not be the chairman of the committee but he may be a member of the committee which still remains as an undemocratic provision Again there is no provision in Bangladesh allowing taking evidence in public by committees which need to be remedied in order to make the administration accountable to the people through the committee hearings. This will help bringing transparency in government, which is a sin qua non-for growth of parliamentary accountability.
2. Problems of Bureaucracy and Public Administration
The Bangladesh bureaucracy is well known as hot bed of corruption. Corruption in
the administration of Bangladesh worse than anywhere in the world. According to Transparency Inte4rnationa, Bangladesh has already been 4th times identified as a
number one corrupted nation of the World. Interestingly the politicians blame the
bureaucrats for corruption and inefficiently in the public administration. On the
other hand, bureaucrats blame politicians for corruption and inefficiency. Who are
then really responsible? I would say that our politicians are responsible for the
problems in bureaucracy. Because bureaucracy is like a cage of pet and trained
animals to obey the orders of their masters, but to keep these animals always loyal
and obedient masters must not forget to apply, some controlling devices. Our
master-like politicians have not applied and sometimes have applied improperly
those controlling devices to keep bureaucrats within their bounds. There are some
universally recognised methods of ensuring accountability of bureaucrats. But
Bangladesh administrative system lacks those methods from very inception of
course, it is the fact the war of independence that created Bangladesh was actively
participated by Bengalis civil and military personnel and the result was that the new Bangladesh government inherited a politicized administration. It was also the fact that the leaders of the newborn country had little administrative experience.
Recently it has been observed by the Bangladesh Aid consultative group at Parish
that ‘Bangladesh Public Administration has not been able to deliver on some of the most important targets the government has set for it. Decisive action is now required at the highest level of government to being to break the bottleneck. The problem which beset our public administration today are (i) corrupted by bureaucrats; (ii) inadequate accountability; (iii) inefficiency; (iv) centralization of decision-making power and bureaucrats master-like interference in it; (v) politicization of bureaucracy and administration etc.
3. Problems of Political Parties
Political parties are backbone of democracy without democracy within the partyunit it is quite impossible to expect democracy at the governmental level. But in Bangladesh political parties are mostly fragile and fragmented. (Halim, 1998).
There are more than 100 political parties in Bangladesh but very few of them have
definite ideology or program to be followed by supporters and future generation. Though one or two parties have ideologies and program, the leaders often defy them for their selfish end. Almost all political parties are based around individuals and most of them do not have any grassroots organization or sufficient support to claim public representation. Mostly political parties are characterized by the politics of conspiracy, self-interest, greed and power expectation. The nature and composition of major parties reveal a disappointing state of affairs. The constitutions of the most of the parties are absolutely monolithic in nature. The party chairman can make and dissolve any committee from the highest to the lowest level. The party structure and committees are filled by nomination not by election. Political parties in Bangladesh are considered as safe abode for criminals, terrorists and extortionists, for these types of people are always given shelter in parties. Another great impediment to the growth of democracy is the hereditary to dynastic element in the party leadership. Khaleda Zia became leader because she is the wife of late President Zia who founded the BNP and Sheikh Hasina because of her father who founded Bangladesh. The leaders of these two political parties are permanently settled in their respective positions canceling all the possibilities of emergence of any new leadership in their respective parties. This anti-democratic dynastic feature in the party leadership has been the greatest impediment to the development of constitutionalism in Bangladesh. This is on the one hand, destroying our political institutions and one the other hand, preventing and discouraging honest and dedicated people to come into politics. All these are the factors in party politics in Bangladesh, which are discouraging as well as preventing educated and honest people to come into politics.
4. Problems of Press and Media
Transparency and openness is government transaction is a necessary part of
effective democracy. And press and media fulfill these two necessary elements of
government. ‘A popular government without popular information or means of
acquiring it, is but a prologue to a farce or a tragedy or perhaps both’. So there
should be unhindered flow of information of government transactions (Halim,
1998). Since independence both radio and TV have been using as mouthpiece of the government. This is why there appears to be a fairly large audience for non-
Bangladeshi radio-sources, including All India Radio, BBC and VOA. Both BNP
and Al had avowed commitment to the people that they would give autonomy to the state-controlled radio and TV. But nothing positive has yet been done.
5. Problems of Local Government
Local government is one of the most vital institutions of democracy. Modern state
administration is almost unthinkable without devolution of power to the local
governments. Due to increase of population as well as to huge expansion of
governmental activities certain matter of policy and administration concerning
national and international interests as5re reserved for central administration and the
rest wide range of governmental functions are vested in local authorities (Jones,
1989). The system of local government helps in different ways to bring transparency and efficiency within the state administration. First, it helps to solve local problems locally and relieves the central government much of its responsibility to deal with trifle and local matters. Second, it relieves MPs much of their burden of local responsibilities, which people usually expects from MPs. If local government are institutionalized, they will help develop leadership from the grassroots level giving gradually a strong base in democracy.
Article 59 of the Bangladesh constitution provides that local government of every administrative unit ‘shall be entrusted to bodies composed of persons elected in accordance with the law’ and they will perform functions relating to:
a. Administration and work of public officers;
b. The maintenance of public order;
c. The preparation and implementation of plans relating to public services and
economic development.
Article 60 also empowers the local government to exercise ‘the power to impose taxes for local purposes’, to prepare their budgets and to maintain funds. But no government so far has taken proper initiative to fulfill the aspirations expressed in the constitution with regard to institutionalization of local government. Elected local government should be autonomous and independent of the executive and the local administration should be under the control of the local government. But in Bangladesh every government has kept colonial mentality in respect of nourishing this institution.
6. Problems of Unconstitutional Laws and the Control Over Delegated Law:
The comptroller and Auditor-General, Election Commission. Public Service Commission, Local Government etc. are constitutionally created essential institutions of democracy. Institutionalization of democracy depends on the full independence and proper functioning of these institutions. The constitution has given these institutions full independence but statutory laws, which deal with their composition and functions, are vitiating all aspirations of the constitution. In most cases these Laws have been made violating the provisions of the constitution. To give democracy a positive turn these unconstitutional laws should immediately
be repealed and democratic laws in accordance with the provisions of the constitution should be made (Halim, 1998). The largest portion of laws in the are often contradictory and they sometimes violate even constitutional provisions. This is the area where the executive is abusing its power almost rampantly. A statutory instrument Act should, therefore, immediately be made and a standing committee should be established to scrutinize these delegated laws before they are applied.
7. The Leadership Problem
The problem of democracy in Bangladesh as discussed above is politico-legal in nature. From socio-economic point of view Bangladesh is an underdeveloped country. There is plethora of problems like over-population and its rapid growth, illiteracy, poverty, disease, malnutrition, unemployment etc. But our leaders have created almost all these problems. On the other hand, there are huge possibilities and factors in favour of industrialization and economic growth in the country. Many third World countries started tyheir jhourney towards constitutionalism and
economic development with fragile institutions as was in the case of Bangladesh still lags behind. The basic reason behind such a position is leadership crisis, which these nations have been suffering since its independence. The Malaysian Prime Minister Maha there is a classic example of a prudent and intelligent leader, He transformed his country from rudimentary stage of this ‘tiger’ status. Malaysia was beset with many problems earlier. South Korea’s economy was no better than ours in the 60s. Its per capita income was lower than that of Bangladesh in 1953. But by virtue of solid leadership skill, it has surpassed us long back (Ahmed, 1997).
The age of our Independence is 34 years, which is a pretty long time. Unfortunately, we still talk about food, cloths, and shelter-three basic needs of the people. This 34 years period was enough for any civilized and hard working nation to change its luck and rise to glory. Ironically we failed even to meet our minimum heeds over this long period. Our people are no less hard working than those on industrial nations. They do not know the way to do it. The leaders in our country only
‘aggravate the crisis of democracy by trying to shape events to suit their own exigency while disregarding the urgent need for economic growth. Their commitments were limited to speeches and the ritual of annual plans are drawn up and implemented by bureaucracy … No political effort was made to inspire the people towards sacrifice and growth and no serious national plan was envisaged to deal with these problems. The leaders remained too busy with small, peripheral, petty personal politics and ignored the fundamental issues of development and
democracy (Ahmed, Moudud, 1995). It is the fact that democracy cannot be established overnight. Those who have firmly established democracy have developed their traditions of social and political justice over the period of many ages. Although 34 years has been passed arte independence, Bangladesh was under military and presidential ruled near about 20 years. Parliamentary form of government has been started since 1991 but till now neither viable dedicated leader nor any viable constitutional government has yet evolved. Still politicization in the administration goes on. Both Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina have adopted the policy of creating a support-base within the bureaucracy and administration. Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina _ there two ladies are struggling, as their activities show, not for the cause of democracy; rather for finding them in power any how (Halim, 1998). Both are showing their narrow outlook and are adopting the policy of provoking each other. They have also stopped the way to emerge any viable leadership in democratic way. Democracy may be captive at the hand of these two ladies if they do not come out from their narrow outlook for the cause of democracy.
Now the condition of these two parties are one will be in power and other will be in opposition. And now more they will be intolerant against each other, more they will see the emergence of a third power, more people will be dismayed and more they will bring possibilities of unnecessary, there will be no scope for economic development. The nation is still ardently looking forward to a dedicated leader who would take responsibilities to liberalize all-important institutions of democracy.
ERADICATING POLITICAL CORRUPTION :
Eradication of corruption should be the nation?s number-one priority in view of the ever-increasing horizon of political and administrative corruption and its baneful multifarious effects on the society-at-large. It needs to be understood by all that eradication of corruption is only possible if strong political commitment exists. Without strong political commitment, bureaucratic reorientation and a vibrant and effective civil society, checking corruption turns into a very difficult almost impossible task. In the context of Bangladesh only radical and fundamental policy measures initiated and strongly backed by a committed political leadership and supported and implemented by a reoriented bureaucracy and watched and monitored by an organized and vocal civil society can control corruption.
Given the presence of three crucial variables - committed political leadership, reoriented bureaucracy and an organized and vocal civil society - other policy measures need to be adopted to effectively contain as well as control corruption. What is proposed below are a number of long-term and short-term policy measures placed in wider socio-political and economic contexts to control corruption.
The public sector employs over a million people in 35 ministries, 50 divisions, 221 departments, 139 directorates and autonomous bodies and 153 state enterprises (World Bank 1996b:57). It may also be added that since independence the number of ministries, departments and public servants has doubled (Khan, 1997). In the context of present reality there is little rationale for maintaining a huge public-sector edifice which contributes to corruption in public dealings. There is now justification for right-sizing the government. Right-sizing of government will, among other things, will discourage creation and maintenance of redundant agencies and units and restrain doling out of public-service jobs as political favors.
Public-sector accountability is weak, fuzzy and tenuous at best. This has resulted in the inability to enforce financial contracts, stop theft in public enterprises and hold officials accountable for improper or delayed judgment (World Bank, 1996a:viii). A number of actions need to taken simultaneously to institutionalize and strengthen accountability to effectively counter corruption. First, a bi-partisan parliamentary task force be established to bolster the standing committees, instituting the practice of questioning ministers and providing members of parliament with adequate office and research facilities and setting up of an office of Ombudsman (World Bank, 1996a:viii). A parliamentary secretariat should be established outside the sphere of civil service and manned by competent personnel recruited separately and controlled by the speaker of the parliament (Khan, 1997). Second, the office of the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) must be reorganized and strengthened by enhancing the capacity of the CAG (World Bank, 1996a:ix). Third, the standards of performance of ministries/divisions and their attached agencies should be made known to the citizens (Rahman, et al., 1993:52). Fourth, complaint procedures should be in place in government agencies for wider use of citizens (Khan, 1997). Fifth, monitoring procedures need to be tightened so that the concerned civil servant knows the extent of compliance by his subordinates to relevant orders and directives as well as services provided to citizens. Sixth, units be established in each ministry and division to develop and apply performance criteria and measures and to develop internal performance audit (UNDP, 1993:106).
Transparency in public-sector decision making is totally absent. This absence, in turn, contributes to corruption. Civil servants by and large value secrecy and are totally unwilling to share information about decisions with citizens. Openness and transparency are alien concepts in public bureaucracy in Bangladesh (Khan, 1997). A number of actions have been recommended to ensure transparency and thereby considerably empower citizens and consequently contain corruption (World Bank, 1996a:xii). First, the Official Secrets Act of 1923 and Government Service Conduct Rules of 1979 should be suitably modified. Second, a task-force on public-sector transparency should be estabilished with membership from different professional and occupational groups to suggest measures to enhance transparency. Third, necessary steps should be taken to make all contract evaluation reports public, thereby enabling all bidders to see how evaluations are made. Still other steps should be taken to ensure transparency and reduce corruption (Khan, 1997). Fourth, earning and tax payments of all public officials - elected as well as appointed - should be published each year to enable the people to learn about the assets of public officials. Fifth, interested citizens must be allowed access to relevant files and documents. For this to happen the number of files marked secret and top secret should be drastically reduced. Sixth, civil servants long accustomed to transact public business under the veil of secrecy should be appropriately trained and indoctrinated to bring about necessary changes in their attitudes and work habits.
A number of specific policy measures have been recommended to control corruption in politics and administration (World Bank, 1996a:xii; Rahman, et al.,1993:97 and Khan, 1997). First, a high-powered task force to be established consisting of public officials, parliamentarians and leading citizens to review all relevant issues pertaining to corruption and to suggest a comprehensive eradication programme. Second, an autonomous standing committee to be formed with judges, senior public officials and leading citizens to oversee the activities of the Bureau of Anti-Corruption (BAC) as well as authorize investigation in ministries, corporations and other agencies by a statutory appointed and protected public prosecutor. Third, salary and benefits of civil servants need to be at par with their counterparts in the private sector. Fourth, provision of severe punishment including long stays in jails and confisation of assets and properties to be instituted for civil servants involved in corruption. Other measures have also been suggested to counter political and administrative corruption (Paul, 1997:288-304). Fifth, a code of conduct should be adopted by the parliament to provide guidelines for the conduct of elected representatives and to take appropriate steps when departures from accepted norms are detected. Sixth, elected representatives must be compensated suitably to enable them to devote their attention only to public welfare and service. Seventh, enactment of a law to regulate the functioning of political parties is needed. This law would require political parties to hold regular organizational elections at different levels; maintain prompt and systematic accounts and submit audited accounts to either the Election Commission or the Comptroller and Auditor General; and comply with income tax regulations and guidelines. Eighth, election expenditure needs to be reduced and closely monitored by a designated body. Ninth, deregulation and debureaucratisation, bounded discretion in decision making, realignment of the government?s audit and intelligence are to be encouraged to control corruption. Tenth, existence of free media so that they can investigate and expose corrupt practices. Eleventh, voluntary agencies and religious groups as well as other components of civil society can play significant role in constraining corruption in public dealings.
Conditions for the success of Democracy to make the democracy a success in any country, the following conditions should be fulfilled :
(1) Sound System of Education: Where there is illiteracy, it becomes difficult to make democracy successful because many qualities are needed to make democracy a success. The citizens can acquire these qualities only through literacy. The people should have the sense of understanding political problems. They should possess such qualities as sacrifice, sympathy, selfless service of the country. Discipline, fraternity, etc. As far as possible, education should be free and the rich and the poor should be given equal opportunities for their development. The citizens should strive for mental and physical development through education. Otherwise employment shall prove harmful for democracy. In short, ideal citizens are prepared through education without which democracy cannot become successful. So corruption is occurring. We need Sound System of Education to reduce corruption.
(2) Enlightened Citizenship: People should have the knowledge of their rights and
duties to make democracy as success. So long as the citizens do not perform their
duties is essential, it is equally essential for the citizens to become conscious of their rights, without which there is every possibility of the government becoming autocrat. Therefore, it is said that ‘Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty.’
(3) Political Awakening: It is essential to inculcate political awakening among the
citizens to make democracy a success. Where there is no political awakening, the
citizens fail to understand the political problems. They are also unable to elect their
representatives properly. Political disinterestedness does not help the citizens to
understand the economic and political problems of the day and contribute their mite to the implementation of various national plans defense efforts of the country for reduce corruption .
(4) Freedom: Democracy guarantees the citizens the freedom of expression, freedom of profession, freedom of religion and freedom to form associations. A free and fearless press is the basic need of democracy in order to keep under checks the autocratic activities of the government. In the countries where press is not free, citizens cannot criticize the government with the result that they cannot fully enjoy much freedom. In Russia, china and other Communist countries, the press is not free to criticize the government. Press is also not free in the countries where there is military Dictatorship.
(5) Equality: Democracy does not recognize class distinctions. It is based on social, economic and political equality. In democracy all are equal before law and there is no discrimination on the basis of caste, color, religion, sex and economic status. Economic equality does not mean that everybody should be given equal monuments; it means equality of opportunity and a fair and open field for all. This kind of equality ensures social justice, which is the very life-breath of a democracy. Equality thus means giving everybody right to vote and contest election irrespective of caste, religion, property, sex, color and creed.
(6) Law and Order: The maintenance of law and order in society by the government is another essential condition for the success of democracy. Anarchy prevails where government fails to maintain law and order and the people’s faith in government is shaken. They look towards dictatorship in order to get rid of anarchy.
(7) Spirit of Co-operation: Every democracy has to face many economic, social,
religious and political problems. In dictatorship, these problems are solved by the
dictator according to this own whim. In absolute monarchy, the situation is similar to dictatorship, but it is different in a democracy. In democracy the Prime Minister or the President cannot act arbitrarily but they have to find the solution of problems
according to the wishes of the Parliament or of the people. These problems can be
solved by the co-operation of the people. further, a democracy can flourish only if
there is no big gap between the thinking of the people and of the government and
when there is a spirit of co-operation between them.
(8) Decentralization of Powers and Local self-government: For the success of a
democracy, decentralization of powers is essential. The concentration of power
makes the government autocratic. With the division of power between the center and the provinces, the burden of the Center is reduced and the provinces get autonomy, which ultimately brings efficiency in the administration. With the introduction of local self-government, people take interest in the administrations and they give full support to the government. The French writer De Tocqueville has rightly said that, “Local institutions constitute the strength of free nations. A nation may establish a system of free governments but without municipal institutions cannot have the spirit of liberty.”
(9) High Moral Standard: The success of democracy also depends upon the high
moral standard of the people as well as of the government. Where there is dishonesty, black-marketing, hoarding and smuggling and where the ministers and public servants are corrupt, the question of the success of democracy does not arise. People should have the spirit of patriotism, discipline, self-control, and honesty in payment of taxes and willing obedience to the laws of the land. The government should follow the ideal of service to the community, because a welfare state and a democracy are two inseparable things.
(10) Social and economic Security: Economic security is essential for the success of democracy. The people should be given the right to work and it is the duty of the government to provide them with suitable employment. In case the government is unable to provide it to the people, it should at least provide them with shelter, clothing and food. In Russia and in many other Communist countries, the
government has given this right to the people in their constitution. Our government should also recognize this right of the people for the success of democracy in our
country. Besides, social security is also essential. Now a days, the government fixes hours of work, salary, bonus, paid holidays and compensation for fatal accidents in order to save the laborers from exploitation by the capitalists. The government should provide social security to the people in case of their being disabled due to old age, illness, accident or any other cause. Without this provision, democracy shall be considered useless. People in Russia have full social security. In India, too, some concrete steps have been taken in this direction.
(11) Tolerance and Spirit of Unity: It is the responsibility of the people to make
democracy a success. For this, the spirit of tolerance and unity is needed in a country like India where we have a number of religions, languages and castes, and where we find a disparity between the rich and the poor, these qualities are very essential. In spite of mutual disagreements, the people should join together to face a national crisis. In case of foreign aggression, the people should forget their differences of caste, religion, language and province and try to preserve the freedom of their country with a spirit of devotion and sacrifice.
(12) Sound Party System: In a democracy difference in views is not only tolerated but it is encouraged, because constructive criticism has an important place in a democracy. For this reason, many parties crop up in a democratic set-up. In the countries where there is only one party, and where other parties are banned democracy cannot develop, only dictatorship develops there. It happened in Germany during the time of Hitler and in Italy during the regime of Mussolini Now-a-days, this type of dictatorship is found in Russia, China, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Rumania, Bulgaria and Poland. In order to make democracy a success, a healthy and influential opposition is a must; otherwise the ruling party will become an autocrat after winning the elections. The Opposition keeps a check on the autocratic activities of ministers. Without it, there is every likelihood of their being power-corrupt. Where there is a bi-party system, the task of making democracy a success becomes easier because on party rules and the other keeps an effective check over its activities. Where there are many parties, the legislature is divided into many small groups and no single party is in a position to form the government. The result is that coalition governments are installed which is not stable. Therefore, bi-party system is better than multi-party system. There is a bi-party system in England and in the U.S.A. There is a multi-party system in France, Italy and West Germany. That is why democracy is more successful in England and the U.S.A, than in other countries where there is multi-party system. In France during the Third and Fourth Republics the government was very instable. As compared to France, there are fewer problems in Italy and West Germany, because certain parties are very powerful in these countries. In India, after he Fourth General Elections, we witnessed political instability because the Congress Party was unable to secure majority in some states. In certain states opposition parties established coalition governments, which could not survive long (Agarwal, 1991).
(13) Written Constitution and Independent Judiciary: For the successful functioning of democracy, people are given fundamental rights and written constitutions are introduced with a view to checking autocratic activities of the government. Where there are no written constitutions, the government can extend and exercise its powers in an autocratic manner. Judiciary is the guardian of Constitution and fundamental rights, and the independence of judiciary from the control of executive has been guaranteed. Where judiciary is not independent, there is no guarantee of the fundamental rights of the people and the constitution becomes useless. This is the condition in Russia, China and many other Communist countries.
(14) Independent, impartial and periodical elections: Independent, impartial and periodical elections help in establishing faith of the people and the opposition a
democracy, otherwise the opposition party will not get an opportunity for forming
the government and there will be no respect for public opinion. In the absence of
independent, impartial and periodical elections, the opposition parties shall try to
change the government by a revolution with the help of military or by the use of
violent force. In Pakistan, elections were not held for many years. The result was that military dictatorship of General Ayub Khan was established in 1958, which have a severe blow to democracy.
(15) Political security, good administration, economic prosperity and wise
leadership: Efficient administration is another condition for the success of a
democracy. In fact, the success of democracy depends upon efficient administration. People’s faith in democracy is shaken in a corrupt administration. Political security is also essential because people start feeling the necessary of dictatorship, if a democratic government is unable to protect the sovereignty and integrity of the country at the time of foreign invasion. If a government fails to remove the scarcity of essential commodities, if the prices of these commodities are abnormally high and if people starve owing to abject poverty, the people’s faith in democracy is shaken and they start feeling the necessity of some other type of government. Thus to protect democracy from being usurped by dictatorship intelligent leadership is very essential. For example, when Hitler started invading other countries, England was not prepared to face the challenge, but under the able and enlightened leadership of Winston Churchill not only democracy was saved but Hitler’s dictatorship was also smashed. At the time of the Pakistani invasion is August-September, 1965 our late Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri provideed very able leadership to the country. Similarly, at the time of Indo-Pak War in 1971, Mrs. Gandhi provided very strong leadership. It protected our country and inspired our army to give a crushing blow to the Pakistani army. An able leader can bring about economic prosperity in his country and give a clear administration to the people. Thus, he can make democracy very stable. Democracy has taken deep roots in our country, while it has not become strong in Pakistan because Pakistan had no leader of the stature of Jawaharlal Nehru, Lal Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi.
Democracy & corruption in Bangladesh:
An Overview Historical Background Bangladesh, like most of the third world countries, has a twin challenge to face: institutionalization of a democratic order and at the same time attains a target rate of economic growth for development. So democracy and economic development has to develop in parallel. The level of poverty, illiteracy, starvation, disease and malnutrition that prevails among nearly eighty percent of the population certainly does not make it easy for any country or government to undertake such a challenge. Since independence in 1971, democracy has been in crisis in Bangladesh.so corruption is occurred. The country was born out of a long democratic movement initially aimed at achieving autonomy for the rights of the majority population of Pakistan. Towards the end of this movement almost the entire population of Bangladesh was drawn in an armed struggle to establish their rights of self-determination as guaranteed in the charter of the United Nations. The cherished goal of democratic rights of the people were enshrined in the constitution of the country in 1972 but in less than two years after the first parliament was elected, the structure and character of the fundamental law of the land was changed and the country’s political system was turned into a one-party monolithic structure. All political parties were dissolved and all newspapers were band except four to be retained by the state; the fundamental rights were suspended and made non-enforceable and the judiciary was reduced into a subservient agency of the executive branch of the state (Ahmed, 1994) The crisis of democracy deepened further with successive army interventions when military leaders (Zia & Ershad) ruled the country. During all these years various social, economical and political forces have operated and influenced the course of democracy in Bangladesh. Not only did the leaders, both civil and military, create a crisis of democracy but they had aggravated it by trying to shape the laws and events to suit their own designs, disregarding the urgent need for development of democratic institutions and failing to provide the commitment required for accelerating the economic growth. During the long term (1976-1990) of military rule the institutions which have been mostly damaged but which are considered as the pivotal force for developing constitutionalism is the party system in the country. Since the political activities were banned repeatedly, the strength and cohesion within the most famous parties was destroyed. On the one hand, mashroom growth political parties devoid of any ideology or program were created by money power just to give a democratic poster to the election of the military ruler. Finally, however, the Ershad regime was toppled by a popular man-movement in December 1990 when the military withdrew its support (Halim, 1998). Thus in 1990 the country was freed from the clutches of military rule and the peoples’ sustained struggle for democracy has at last triumphed with autocrat president Ershad and the time came to lead the nation on a new journey in search of constitutionalism and democracy. The second start of constitutionalism had its democratic and peaceful transit through the historic 5th parliamentary election under the Acting President Justice Sahabuddin Ahmed. 1991, by the 12th Amendment of the constitution government was reverted again to parliamentary form after 16 years. The starting of the second parliamentary democracy seemed fine and enthusiastic but lastly the celebrated 5th parliament also like every other previous parliament in the country could not complete its constitutional duration; it was to dissolve under the pressure of the opposition movements. The ruling party BNP has, in many was, and failed to make a positive turn towards the development of constitutionalism and democracy. The case of 5th parliament, the major opposition party Awami League (AL) was not given adequate time in parliamentary deliberation and as a result they boycotted the parliament. The ruling elite did not show much tolerance as was necessary for bringing the opposition into parliament and they forcefully run the parliament as long as two years without the opposition i.e. ignoring the opposition. Lastly the BNP government denied to hold the 6th parliamentary election ignoring the opposition and it proceeded to contest the election with some sudden hand-picked parties as the military dictator Ershad frequently did. This was a flagrant wrong done by a democratically elected government and this showed the ruling elite’s lock of political foresight. This is why the 6th parliament had only 7 days life. This negative trend in parliamentary democracy i.e. the trend of political intolerance done by the BNP government has proved the crisis of constructive leadership in the development of constitutionalism in Bangladesh (Halim, 1998). Later, the 7th parliamentary election was held under the neutral Caretaker Government with some hopes and aspiration and the majority voted for the AL. The new government of Al (1996) also practiced like the before BNP govt. without opposition participation. For example: ordinance making power is being used in the same way, policies concerning national interests or economy e.g. making water treaty, making CHT agreement declaring two days public weekly holidays, declaring 30% quota in public services for freedom fighters’ families etc. have been declared in public gatherings and press avoiding the parliament; sessions of parliaments are being held for a very shorter period; the opposition BNP is boycotting the parliament and Sheikh Hasina, the Prime Minister, is Just provoking this opposition trend. Thus the trend is still in the negative direction, the parliament, as the most important institution of democracy still remains a mere Cinderella body. The important mass media like radio, T.V. are being used as government mouthpieces; the lower judiciary is still depended on the executive though the government is repeatedly promising to take
steps to separate judiciary from the executive. But it has not been implemented even today. After completing the term 5 years, the 8th parliamentary election was held under the caretaker government of Justice Latifur Rahman on October 1, 2001. And the BNP formed the qualision government. After formation of government they try to exercise democratic culture but the path is not moisturized till now. The present status of democracy in Bangladesh has discussed by the following features.
Suggested Policy Measures for Overcoming the Problems of Democracy in Bangladesh by which corruption will be removing:
To remove the difficulties and to institutionalize the democracy following measures should be taken immediately.
1. The system of allowing Ministers to act as Chairmen of standing Committees of their respective Ministries has to go. Instead, the Standing Committee on each Ministry ought to be comprised of eleven fifteen members drawn from each political party in proportion to their respective strength. Once the number of such committees and Chairman is determined, each committee will then elect its Chairman from among the members of the party to which the post of chairman has been designated and these will be no party whip in this regard. Each Committee may also decide to elect the Chairman by rotation among the parties on an annual basis.
2. The Public Accounts Committee and the Public Undertaking Committee must always be chaired by senior members of Opposition (Ahmed, 1995). The proceeding of such committee meetings will be open to public and media unless the committee itself decides to meet in camera on any particular matter.
3. The power to issue ordinance under Article 93 of the Constitution is being regularly misused. Except in an emergency such as war or total breakdown of law and order which calls for a proclamation of emergency, any ordinance the government intends to make under Article 93 of the Constitution must go through the scrutiny of the relevant Standing Committee and obtain its approval before its promulgation.
4. The political will of the government must be demonstrated in a way so that the
Bureaucrats cannot dare defy Minister’s orders (Halim, 1998). The constitutional
independence and autonomy for CAG must be ensured so that it can independently
work in the way to make bureaucrats accountable in respect of financial matter and
monitor their financial responsibilities.
5. A department of Ombudsman should immediately be created which will work as an all-time watchdog against misadministration, red-tapism and inefficiency in the
bureaucracy. 6. Directly elected local governments should be established according to Articles 59 and 60 of the constitution with proper powers and independence and the respective local administration with its officials and staff must be vested in the direct control of the local governments. This will on the one hand, decentralize administrative power, functions and responsibilities and as a result channel-based corruption, conspiracy and red-tapism by the bureaucracy would be reduced and on the other hand it will relieves
MPs much of the burden of local responsibilities and they will therefore, be able to concentrate more in committee functioning whereby the central bureaucracy will
come under the direct control of parliament.
7. Democracy within the party must be gradually strengthened so that leadership from grassroots levels can develop and leaders can gradually gather knowledge over administrative accountability and that they should not depend on bureaucrats.
8. Lower Judiciary should be separated from the executive. This will relieve the
bureaucrats of exercising Judicial Power on the one hand, and on the other people will get rid of the problem of corruption in Magistrate’s court where Justice for the poor people in almost captive at the corrupt hand of magistrate’s. Separation will bring accountability in the Judicial Sector. 9. Corruption is the main problem in Bangladesh administration for implementation of
any develop0ment programme. Corruption has engrained in our society. But this evil cannot be wiped out overnight. No Leader, howsoever powerful or charismatic he may be, will be able to wipe corruption out overnight. Only it can be wiped out gradually through the process of institutionalization of controlling institutions and it needs a dedicated leader for institutionalization of institutions, which controls the
administration. 10. In accordance with the provisions of Articles 11,59 and 60 of the constitution local government institutions should be set up for ensuring people’s participation in the development of the country and there should be three tiers of local government at Thana, Union and Zilla levels and all the liers should be composed of elected representatives of the people by direct election. Every local government should be
autonomous and maximum devolution of power to be made to the local government. Local government institution should be made free from government interference except audit and inspection of funds provided by the government.
11. Local governments should be so designed that MP can also become the Ex-Office adviser of the Thana and District Council. This will keep the Linkage between the local government and the MP and help MP to remain in touch with the development work in his constituency. This will also help develop relation between the parliament and the local governments.
12. Hereditary nature of leadership should be abolished and the party constitution should be amended to allow change in the leadership after each specified term. The party structure and committees should be filled only by election and this will encourage as well as develop leadership from grass-root level.
13. For the transparency within the government fabrics Radio and TV should immediately be given autonomy. Operation of private TV channels should be allowed. All restrictive Laws concerning press and media should be allowed to be self-regulated by them through a code of ethical practice.
14. Our politicians should realize that they have responsibility to build up the nation and they should pay due respect to people’s will and expectations. Both the government and opposition should work under democratic norms and values instead of confrontation and egoism. Our politicians should be positive in playing their role in the polity. They must realize that politics is not a zero-sum game rather it is a cooperative business for the greater will being of the nation.
Prospects of Democracy in Bangladesh by which corruption will decrease:
In spite of numerous problems and obstacles in the run up of democracy in our
Country, there are cheers for democracy envisaged in the vary process of our politics and governance, Such as -
Homogeneous character of the people
The people of our country are almost homogeneous in their origin, socio-economic
and political belief. Except some minorities in CHT, almost all the people are from Bengali origin and about 85 percent of our people are Muslims. Such homogeneous character of the people is a positive side for democratic development.
Provision for caretaker government
In spite of some preordained blames of defeated parties, caretaker government has
to be credited for holding a free and fair poll which given nation confidence on very process of election and politics.
Peoples eagerness for democracy
The presence of voters in polling centers, their enthusiasm about e4lection and
politics and their verdict against misdeed of govt. both in 1996 and 2001, proved that people are eager to democracy and it is increasing day by day.
Peaceful transition of power
After completion of five years term, the AL government has transferred power in
the hand of a non-party caretaker government and after a free and fair election, the CG has transferred the power to an elected government. Such process of peaceful transferred the power to an elected (BNP) government. Such process of peace4ful transition of power is positive sign of democratic development in the country.
March toward too party system
Although there are too many political parties in Bangladesh, the result of recent poll envisage the march of nation toward a two party system.
Response of civil society
Now a day’s civil society is very conscious about various issues of democracy and
governance. Very often-civil society response against government for any anti public interest. It is a good sign of democracy.
Independence of press, media and newspaper
Today all the press, media and newspapers are enjoying the full independence
except govt. Radio and TV. So we can say it is another light of hopes for democracy.
Party campaign at the grass root level
Now a days Major Political Parties are campaign about political culture and aware
the grassroots level people to their rights and duties to the state. They also aware them how to develop the socio-economic condition of our rural Bangladesh as well as the hole state. For example, we can mention both BNP and AL who are already meetings, seating and campaign every district and thane level one after another respectively with local level workers and leaders.
Privatization
Bangladesh has a long experience of carrying the privatization programme. The
Privatization programme starts in mid 70s and is still continuing. Since then it has
Privatized more than one thousand units. Privatization can ensure decision making for purely economic rationality rather than from political ground or personal ego at enterprise level. As globalization of the world economy is taking place, to keep peace with the other countries of the world, the economy should be made more market oriented. The privation is in right to move this end.
Role of NGO
A number of NGOs are working in Bangladesh. Most of the NGO's target is to organize the rural people and increase awareness to them for development of their socioeconomic conditions. They have a lot of program like as, mass education, health and sanitation, micro credit programs etc. Name of some prominent NGOs are Grameen Bank, Proshika, BRAC, ASA, CARE etc. Most of the NGOs are working for democratic development.
Women Empowerment
The constitution of Bangladesh contains the provision of gender equality,
prohibition of gender basis of discrimination and extension of opportunity of women in all spheres of civic life. It is also stated in the constitution that the local government institutions be composed of representatives of peasants, workers and women (Article 9); steps will be taken to ensure participation of women in all spheres of national life (article10); right to guaranteed employment at a reasonable wage having regard to the quality of life [article 15 (b)]. Our political parties are fond of making room for women in their party politics. Both two women head the government and opposition parties, women's representation in the party committees and other bodies is noticeable. The participation of women in electoral politics is significant.
Conclusion
Corruption is a complex multi-faceted social phenomenon with innumerable manifestations. It takes place as an outcome of deficiencies in the existing public administration apparatuses and systems as well as cultural, economic, political and social factors. Differences of opinion still exist as to the meaning of the term corruption. This is primarily because individuals look at corruption from their own vantage points influenced by surrounding environment. But what is heartening is that in recent years corruption is viewed from a much broader perspective rather than looking at it from moral and functional angles only. The causes of corruption are as varied as the phenomenon itself. Corruption results from the presence of a number of factors. Typologies have been offered to make a sense out of so many contributory factors. There are many forms of corruption. To understand the dynamics of so many types of corruption attempts have been made to classify different forms of corruption into broad categories. What transpires from such a categorization is that corruption can be sponsored by outsiders, resultant of political scandal, institutionalized and administrative malfeasance. The cost of corruption has been enormous in terms of a country’s socio-political and economic advancement. What has been conclusively demonstrated is that corruption has negative consequences on economic growth, administrative efficiency and political development. Checking corruption is a crying need of today’s world. At the same time, it is understood that total eradication of corruption is not possible. But that does not mean in any way that corruption cannot be effectively contained. A number of recommendations have been offered as how to check corruption in a decisive manner. But what has been realized is that in order to drastically reduce corruption fundamental changes must be brought about without any delay or hesitation. Experiences of the Philippines, Uganda, Ghana and India have clearly indicated that corruption networks are extensive and cover within their realms public servants of all types. What is more alarming is that a rather cozy nexus exists among public servants and politicians in power to share the booties of corruption. Almost all efforts to contain corruption in these countries have been unsuccessful. On the other hand, experiences of Hong Kong and Singapore demonstrate in no uncertain terms that given political will and the institution of appropriate anti-corruption mechanisms incidence of corruption can be drastically contained. The root of corruption in Bangladesh runs deep in history. The existence of a patron-client relationship reinforces corrupt practices in all spheres of public dealing. Almost all political regimes in Bangladesh have been corrupt. Only the nature and extent of corruption varied depending on the nature of the regime, its key leader and his popular power base. Corruption in the public service is extensive and all-pervasive. Corruption in the political arena has emboldened public servants to become unabashedly corrupt and not bother about it at all. The prevalence of systematic corruption in Bangladesh society can be explained due to a number of factors. Lack of political will, lack of organized movement by civil society for a change in the status quo, and presence of a change-resistant institutional bureaucracy, lack of ethics in public life, absence of independence of judiciary and media, have all contributed in varying degrees to the continuance of large-scale and systematic corruption in all spheres of Bangladeshi society. From the above discussion we can say that from very early of civilization political corruption was discussed from various viewpoints and applied it various way. Today most of the people want to enjoy this form of government. The people of Bangladesh are not out of them. But Bangladesh has been facing various problems to institutionalize democracy since its independence. Yet it, prospects of democracy in Bangladesh today are not insignificant. I think the suggested policy The state for democratic development. For this the media, civil society and socio- organizations and institutions must play the pioneering role.
References
· Agarwal, R.C. 1991. Political Theory. New De4lhi: S. Chand & Company Ltd.
· Ahmed, Mowdud, 1995. Democracy and the challenge of Development. Dhaka:
· UPL.
· Halim, M.A. 1998. Constitution Constitutional Law and Politics: Bangladesh
· Perspective. Dhaka: Rico Printers.
· Kapur, A.C. 1993. Principles of Political Science. New Delhi: S. Chand &
· Company Ltd.
· 5 .AAPAM (1991). Ethics and Accountability in African Public Services. Report of the XIIIth round Table of the African Association for Public Administration and Management (AAPAM) held at Mababane, Swaziland, December 2-6.
· Ahmed, B. et al. (1992). "Government Malpractices", in Report of the Task Forces on Bangladesh: Development Strategies for 1990s. Vol.2, Dhaka: University Publishers Limited (UPL), pp.389-407.
· Alam, M.S. (1996). "Corruption in Administration" (in Bangla), Bangla Bazar Patrika (a vernacular daily newspaper) January 28 and 29.
· Alfiler, M.C.P. (1979). "Administrative Measures Against Bureaucratic Corruption: The Philippine Experience", Philippine Journal of Public Administration (PJPA), Vol.23, Nos.3 and 4: 321-349.
· Aminuzzaman, S.M. (1996). "Accountability and Promotion of Ethics and Standard of Behaviour of the Public Bureaucracy in Bangladesh", Asian Review of Public Administration, Vol.8, No.1: 13-27.
· Arora, D. (1993). "Conceptualizing the Context and Contextualising the Concept: Corruption Reconsidered", Indian Journal of Public Administration (IJPA), Vol.39, No.1: 1-19.
· Blair, H. et al. (1992). The Bangladesh Democracy Program (BDP) Assessment: Final Report. Washington, D.C.: Bureau for Private Enterprise, USAID.
· BUP (1997). Opinion Survey, 1997. Dhaka: Bangladesh Unnayan Parishad (BUP).
· Caiden, G.E.(1988) . "Toward a General Theory of Official Corruption", Asian Journal of Public Administration, Vol.10, No.1: 3-26.
· Caiden, G.E. (1991a). "What Really is Public Maladministration?", IJPA, Vol.37, No.1:1-16.
· Caiden, G.E. (1991b). Administrative Reform Comes of Age. New York: Walter de Gruyter.
· Caiden, G.E. and N. Caiden (1977). "Administrative Corruption", Public Administration Review, Vol.37, No.3.
· Carino, L.V. (1979). "The Definition of Graft and Corruption and the Conflict of Ethics and Law", PJPA, Vol.23, Nos 3 and 4:221-240.
· Carino, L.V. and R.P. Guzman (1979). "Negative Bureaucratic Behaviour in the Philippines: The Final Report of the IDRC Philippine Team", PJPA, Vol.23, Nos.3 and 4:350-385.
· Dwivedi, S.N. and G.S. Bhargava (1967). Political Corruption in India. New Delhi: Popular Book House.
· Franda, M. (1982). Bangladesh: The First Decade. New Delhi: South Asian.
· Goudie, A.W. and D. Stasange (1979). Corruption: The Issues. OECD Development Centre Technical Paper No.122. Paris: Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.
· Gouhan, S. and S. Paul (1997). Corruption in India: Agenda for Action. New Delhi: Vision Books.
· Gould, D.J. (1980). Bureaucratic Corruption and Underdevelopment in the Third World: The Case of Zaire. New York: Pergaman.
· Gould, D.J. (1991). "Administrative Corruption: Incidence, Causes, and Remedial Strategies in A. Farazmand ed. Handbook of Comparative and Development Public Administration. New York: Marcel Dekker, Inc., pp.467-480.
· Gould, D.J. and J.A. Amaro-Reyes (1985). The Effects of Corruption on Administrative Performance: Illustrations from Developing Countries. World Bank Staff Paper No.580. Washington, DC.: The World Bank.
· Harriss-White, B. and G. White (1996). "Editorial Introduction: Corruption, Liberalization and Democracy", in B. Harris-White and G. White eds. Liberalization and the New Corruption, Vol.27, No.2: 1-5.
· Khan, M.M. (1989a). "The Electoral Process in Bangladesh", Regional Studies, Vol.7, No.3: 95-111.
· Khan, M.M. (1989b). "Resistance to Administrative Reform in Bangladesh, 1972-1987", Public Administration and Development (PAD), Vol. 9, No.3: 301-314.
· Khan, M.M. (1979). Administrative Reform in Bangladesh. New Delhi: South Asian.
· Khan, M.M. and H.M. Zafarullah (1979). "The 1979 Parliamentary Elections in Bangladesh", Asian Survey, Vol.19, No.10: 1023-1036.
· Khan, M.M. et al. (1995). "Ethics and Public Service in Bangladesh?, IJPA, Vol.41, No.3:592-608.
· Klitgaard, R. (1988). Controlling Corruption. Berkeley, C.A.:University of California Press.
· Kochanek, S.A. (1993). Patron-Client Politics and Business in Bangladesh. Dhaka: UPL.
· Kramer, J.J. (1997). "Political Corruption in Post-Communist Russia: The Case for Democratization", paper presented at the XVIIth World Congress of International Political Science Association (IPSA) held in Seoul, Korea on August 17-21.
· Leff, H.N. (1979). "Economic Development through Bureaucratic Corruption" in M.U. Ekpo ed. Bureaucratic Corruption in Sub-Saharan Africa: Toward a Search for Causes and Consequences. Washington, D.C.: University Press of America.
· Lewis, D.J. (1996). Corruption in Bangladesh: Discourse, Judgments and Modalities. CDS Occasional Paper No.5. Bath: Centre for Development Studies.
· Leys, C. (1970). "What is the Problem about Corruption?" in A.J. Heidenheimer ed. Political Corruption: Readings in Comparative Perspective. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.
· Lo, T.W. (1993). Corruption and Politics in Hong Kong and China. Buckingham: Open University Press.
· Maloney, C. (1986). Behaviour and Poverty in Bangladesh. Dhaka: UPL.
· Maniruzzaman, T. (1982). Group Interests and Political Changes: Studies of Pakistan and Bangladesh. New Delhi: South Asian.
· Mustafa, S. (1997). "Corruption Costs Millions, says UNDP", Financial Express July, 31.
· Nye, J.S. (1979). "Corruption and Political Development: A Cost-Benefit Analysis" in M.U. Ekpo ed. Bureaucratic Corruption in Sub-Saharan Africa: Toward a Search for Causes and Consequences. Washington, D.C.: University Press of America.
· Ouma, O.A. (1991). "Corruption in Public Policy and its Impact on Development: The Case of Uganda since 1979", PAD, Vol.11, No.5: 473-489.
· Padhay, K.S. (1986). Corruption in Politics: A Case Study. Delhi: B.R. Publishing Corporation.
· Paul, S. (1979a). "Corruption: Who Will Bell the Cat?", Economic and Political Weekly June, 7:1350-1355.
· Paul, S. (1979b). "Corruption in India: A Strategic Agenda for Action" in S. Guhan and S. Paul eds. Corruption in India: Agenda for Action. New Delhi: Vision Books, pp.286-304.
· Pavarala, V. (1996). Interpreting Corruption: Elite Perspectives in India. New Delhi: Sage.
· Pope, J. (1996). "National Integrity Programs" in P. Lengseth and K. Galt eds. Partnership for Governance. Proceedings of a Conference held in Copenhagen on May, 31, pp.23-26.
· Quah, J.S.T. (1989). "Singapore?s Experience in Curbing Corruption" in A.J. Heidenheimer, et al.eds. Political Corruption: A Handbook. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, pp.841-853.
· Quah, J.S.T. (1995). "Sustaining Quality in the Singapore Civil Service" in Government in Transition. London: Commonwealth Secretariat, pp.147-157.
· Rahman, M.A. et al. (1993). Towards Better Government in Bangladesh. Dhaka: Bangladesh Government Press.
· Rahman, M.H. (1994). "Corruption and Patronage: The Social and Political Linkage" in M.H. Rahman, Decentralisation and Rural Society in Bangladesh: A Study of Bureaucratic Constraints on Access in the Upazila Structure. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis. Swansea: Centre for Development Studies, University College of Swansea, University of Wales.
· Rogow, A.A. and H.D. Laswell (1970). "The Definition of Corruption" in A.J. Heidenheimer ed. Political Corruption: Readings in Comparative Analysis. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winstan.
· Sarkar, J.N. (1935). Mughal Administration. Calcutta: M.C. Sarkar and Sons Limited.
· Scott, J.C. (1972). Comparative Political Corruption. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Princeton Hall, Inc.
· Siddiquee, N.A. (1997). Decentralisation and Development Theory and Practice in Bangladesh. Dhaka: University of Dhaka.
· Siddiqui, K.et al. (1990). Social Formation in Dhaka City: A Study in Third World Urban Sociology. Dhaka: UPL.
· Taslim, M.A. (1994). "Public Corruption, External Interference and Policy Making in a Dependent Regime" in H.M. Zafarullah et al. eds. Policy Issues in Bangladesh. New Delhi: South Asian, pp.291-307.
· Thakur, U. (1979). Corruption in Ancient India. New Delhi: Abhinav Publications.
· Theobald, R. (1990). Corruption Development and Underdevelopment. London: Macmillan.
· Tilman, R.O. (1970). "Black Market Bureaucracy" in A.J. Heidenheimer ed. Political Corruption: Readings in Comparative Analysis. New York: Holt, Renehart and Winston.
· United Nations (1990). Corruption in Government. Report of an Interregional Seminar held in The Haque, The Netherlands on December 11-15. New York: The United Nations.
· UNDP (1993). Report on Public Administration Sector Study in Bangladesh. New York: United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).
· Vine, T.L.V. (1975). Political Corruption: The Ghana Case. Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution.
· World Bank (1996a). Bangladesh: Government That Works: Reforming the Public Sector. Washington, DC: The World Bank.
· World Bank (1996b). Bangladesh: An Agenda for Action. Washington, DC: The World Bank.
কোন মন্তব্য নেই:
একটি মন্তব্য পোস্ট করুন